The other side of the falsified genocide

**SUMGAYIT** · 28 февраля, 2011

The tragic developments that unfolded in the city of Sumgayit of the Azerbaijan SSR in February 1988 were perhaps the most significant event of the final years of the USSR. Sparked off by Soviet secret services in an international and ethnically diverse major industrial city of Sumgayit, the ethnic clashes became a catalyst for the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. This web-site provides a collection of materials and a brief analysis of the impact the Sumgayit developments and the Karabakh conflict had on the subsequent fate of the entire Soviet Union.

In the early 1980s, the Soviet Union was undergoing a difficult period characterized by foreign political failures, deteriorating international standing, economic difficulties and leadership crisis. The election of Mikhail Gorbachev as secretary general of the CPSU in March 1985 was part of the attempts to drastically reform the USSR – the so-called “perestroika” which climaxed in a collapse of the world’s socialist system and break-up of the USSR.

M. Gorbachev’s incompetent ethnic policies brought about unseen domestic political factors that eventually led to a collapse of the USSR. Particularly negative was the role M. Gorbachev and his ruling team played in inciting the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict which exposed the depth of the Soviet system’s crisis.

This web-site provides numerous facts exposing the false nature of reasons behind the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict that areprovided by Armenian and certain foreign sources. It is beyond doubt that the conflict was not provoked by the Sumgayit developments of 1988, but by the deportation of the Azerbaijani population from the Armenian SSR that had started in 1987. Inlate February 1988, when tragic developments were unfolding in Sumgayit, there were already 4,000 refugees from Armenia in Sumgayit proper and in other Azerbaijani cities. The forceful deportation of the Azerbaijani population from Armenia was carried out directly by party leaders and law-enforcement bodies of the Armenian SSR.

Back in the mid-1980s, different Armenian terrorist and nationalist organizations had significantly stepped up their activities. With support from the Armenian church and the Armenian lobby, they embarked on the implementation of what in essence was a fascist plan on forceful deportation of Azerbaijanis from Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh autonomous region (NKAR) of the Azerbaijan SSR. Back in the Soviet times, a number of Armenian nationalist, terrorist and armed groups unleashed violence and terror against Azerbaijanis as part of a plan on the establishment of a mythical “Great Armenia”.

The forceful deportation of Azerbaijanis and the subsequent Nagorno-Karabakh conflict of 1980-1990 were part of a 200-year policy on squeezing out the Azerbaijani population from its historical lands that had started after the Russian Empire resettled Armenians from Ottoman Turkey, Persia and Middle East to the region.

Azerbaijanhas become subject to terror and a military campaign in this conflict. As a result of the first Karabakh war, Armenia has occupied around 20 percent of Azerbaijani territories over 1 million Azerbaijanis have become refugees and IDPs, while more than 20,000 people have been killed.

http://www.sumqait.com/en/

**SUMGAYIT** · 29 апреля, 2012

Armenian Terrorist Organization ASALA and Murders 5/5

Изменено 29 апреля, 2012 пользователем SUMGAYIT

**SUMGAYIT** · 3 сентября, 2012

**SUMGAYIT** · 14 сентября, 2012

welcome

**SUMGAYIT** · 13 октября, 2012

Armenian lobby in USA presents photographs of the victims of Khojaly tragedy as "factual evidence" of the 1915 events

Armenian Propaganda aims to create an image of Armenians as “victims of “genocide” 1915 in Ottoman empire”. As opposed to impartially providing information Armenian propaganda is biased, with facts selectively presented, or uses loaded messages to produce an emotional response. False information and forgery are common tools used by Armenian propaganda. .

Here is an example of an article published by Armenian media, where the Azerbaijani victims of the Khojaly genocide were presented as Armenian “victims of genocide 1915 in Ottoman empire”. Khojaly genocide(1992) was perpetrated by Armenian military and gangs against unarmed civilians in the Azerbaijani town Khojaly (http://justiceforkho...te/?p=quotation)

Azerbaijani community became aware of this forgery when Felix Tsertsvadze, writer and publicist, author of the book about Khojaly tragedy "Forgotten Genocide", wrote an appeal to Azerbaijani community and media and urged them to take action against falsifications which were spread by Armenians living in the State of Florida (USA).

In a letter sent to Azerbaijani mass media, the writer says that Armenian community of the state Florida published in New York in Russian newspaper "V novom svete" October 19-25, 2007, an article entitled "The Armenian Genocide - a fact", dedicated to the resolution recently adopted in committee of the House of Representatives.

Armenian lobby has presented as factual evidence the photo of “Armenian victims”. It turned out that very same photographs is a factual evidence of the Khojaly genocide – genocide, perpetrated 1992 by Armenian military and gangs against unarmed civilians in the Azerbaijani town Khojaly which claimed life of 600-1000 people (Human Rights Watch / Helsinki. Azerbaijan: Seven Years of Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. New York. 1994)

Below is the letter from Felix Tsertsvadze to Azerbaijani community:

"Dear friends! Armenian lobbyist Edward Pariyants made again an provocation… In the pro-Armenian American Russian-language newspaper "The New World" (19-25 October 2007, p.8) he published an article under the title "The Armenian Genocide - a fact." As factual evidence he presented a picture of children's corpses to give an impression that corpses belong to Armenians killed by Turks in 1915. However, in fact, the dead children on the photo are Azerbaijani children, young boys and girls, who were killed by Armenian bandits in the Azerbaijani town Khojaly.

"It is unlimited impudence, shamelessness and cynicism to present Azerbaijani children, victims of Armenian terrorism in 1992 as Armenians, the victims of 1915. I beg you to use all your influence and every opportunity to tell to the world media about the Armenian sacrilege. In addition, encourage public entities to send an official protest to the newspaper "The New World," and demand an official apology with subsequent punishment.

In 2005, after my protests Edward Pariyants was dismissed as deputy editor, and he was not allowed to publish anything in this newspaper during two years. Now he came back and continues with provocative actions. The Azerbaijani non-governmental organizations must file lawsuits against both news paper and Pariyants under the laws of the State of New York. This case should become a lesson for other provocateurs".

The photo from an article "The Armenian Genocide - a fact". The article was published by Armenian community of the state Florida and it presents Azerbaijani children who became the victims of Armenian terrorism in Khojalu, 1992, as Armenian victims of 1915

When the forgery was uncovered, the newspaper “V novom svete” apologized and made corrections.

http://armdeza.blogspot.com/2012/01/armenian-lobby-in-usa-presents.html

**SUMGAYIT** · 27 декабря, 2015

**SUMGAYIT** · 31 декабря, 2022

События в Гугарке. Как громили азербайджанцев в Армении

«В этот день мы пришли в школу. Никого из азербайджанских учеников и учителей не было. Спросили у директора школы Али Аласкярова, где они, ответил, что все бежали из Армении на автобусах», — рассказывает бывший замдиректора по воспитательной работе интернациональной школы села Шаумян Гугаркского района (ныне Лорийская область) Римма Саргсян.

Было 26 февраля 1988 года, за 2 дня до сумгаитских событий.

«Атмосфера страха царила и среди азербайджанцев, и среди армян. Сельские армяне очень боялись того, что азербайджанцы отравят питьевую воду», — вспоминает тогдашний председатель колхоза «Ваагни» Степан Айвазян.

Первым делом после сумгаитских событий в Гугаркском районе стали увольнять азербайджанцев-сторожей, которые работали на стратегических объектах (водопровод-санузел).

В сохранившихся в личном архиве тогдашнего прокурора Кировакана (Ванадзор) Григория Шахвердяна документах говорится, что в общей сложности с марта по ноябрь 1988 года в Гугаркском районе уволили 624 азербайджанца.

Бывший член комитета «Карабах» Артур Сакунц отмечает, что в то время члены комитета днем и ночью следили за тем, чтобы в городе не было провокаций ни с одной из сторон. Но контролировать ситуацию удавалось не всегда. «Когда ночью азербайджанцев на автомобилях вывозили из села Арджут, случалось, что армяне нападали на автоколонны», — рассказал Сакунц.

В датированном 10.07.1989г. документе под названием «Межнациональные преступления в Кировакане» отмечено 42 случая: с марта 1988 года зафиксированы нападения на дома азербайджанцев, случаи избиений и грабежей. Для азербайджанцев неспокойно было не только в своих домах, но и на местах работы: зафиксированы случаи избиения коллегами, а также увольнения без объяснения причин. Азербайджанцев легко можно было найти на рынке, так как они составляли большинство продавцов: были случаи избиений продавцов-азербайджанцев, у которых отбирали товары.

«У меня были адреса проживавших в Ванадзоре азербайджанцев, я сказал им всем связаться с нами, если возникнут проблемы. Однажды позвонила семья Кулиевых, сообщив, что неизвестные хотят выломать дверь. Я один отправился в этот дом, увидел, что дверь ломают топором, сумел предотвратить», — рассказал бывший прокурор города Григорий Шахвердян, который теперь удивляется, что в то время он не боялся реагировать на подобные инциденты.

По его словам, в Кировакане тогда зафиксировали 7 случаев убийств. Самой известной историей стало убийство Тельмана Гусейнова. «Около 22:00 27 ноября 1988 года в доме любовницы Ирины П. ножом и топором был убит Тельман Гусейнов. Местные следственные органы раскрыли преступление и арестовали несовершеннолетных Усика Марутяна и Тиграна Эвиняна», — отмечено в архиве прокурора.

Григорий Шахвердян

http://www.epress.am/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Grigori-Shahverdyan.jpg

Экс-прокурор Григорий Шахвердян признает, что прокуратура оказалась в сложной ситуации. «Ружья были у всех подряд. Выросло число не только межнационального, но насилия в целом. Другой случай произошел в селе Шаумян. Мне сообщили, что жители, пинают и пытаются сбросить со скалы какого-то азербайджанца (Касым К.). Добравшись до места, мы вступились за этого человека. С одной стороны рядом со мной была милиция, с другой – нацбезопасность, слева – изгородь, люди перешли на эту сторону и напали на нас. Мне рассказали, что я потерял сознание, и меня унесли оттуда».

Отрывок из архива Григория Шахвердяна: «28 ноября около 23:00 жители города Кировакан Мартун Похрадян и Гарник Тоноян нанесли телесные повреждения Гюлис и Чечнар Валиевам, требовали освободить квартиру и отдать ее армянам. Они были арестованы, уголовное дело рассматривается в суде».

Город полностью был наполнен бежавшими от погромов в Сумгаите армянами, у которых не было буквально ничего: ни дома, ни одежды, ни денег. Это тоже возмущало людей: «Почему армяне должны оставаться на улице, а азербайджанцы продолжать жить в квартирах?». Это возмущение доказывает множество зафиксированных случаев, когда армяне выгоняли азербайджанцев, чтобы разместить в их домах бежавших из Азербайджана армян.

В представленной прокурору Армянской ССР в феврале 1989 года докладной Григорий Шахвердян пишет: «После событий 26-28 ноября 37 семей временно покинули места проживания, из них вернулись 26, остальные, по всей вероятности, не вернулись после землетрясения. 18-30 ноября беженцы-армяне из азербайджанской ССР самовольно заняли квартиры азербайджанцев. Решениями прокуратуры и силами милиции квартиры были возвращены владельцам».

События 26-28 ноября

Большая напряженность в Гугарке достигла своего апогея после событий в азербайджанском городе Кировабад (21-26 ноября 1988г.). Основные действия имели место в селе Шаумян (близ Варданлу).

По официальным данным, тогда убили 11 азербайджанцев. Этот случай получил большую огласку не только в Армении, но и за ее пределами: для выявления виновных из Москвы прибыла следственная группа из более 100 человек. Применили множество санкций: бюро центрального комитета Гугарка уволило первого секретаря Гугарка Лаврентия Багдасаряна и председателя исполкома Самвела Газаряна, а также всю милицию Шаумяна.

http://www.epress.am/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/crime-statistics.jpg

«Этот случай, всеобщий страх, к этому всему прибавилось землетрясение. Такой паники в Гугарке не было», — вспоминает Степан Айвазян.

Степан Айвазян

http://www.epress.am/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Stepan-Ajvazjan.jpg

Въезд в азербайджанские села и в Шаумян был блокирован шлагбаумом и контролировался российскими солдатами. «В это время в селе шла настоящая война, были вооружены как азербайджанцы, так и наши. Из учеников нашей школы был убит только один азербайджанец 9-го класса. Он стрелял в сельчан с горы, стрелял метко и ранил многих, пока наши обошли его с другой стороны горы и сбросили в ущелье», — рассказала бывший замдиректора по воспитательной работе интернациональной школы Римма Саргсян.

«Ребенка в ущелье сбросил Самвел В. из села Шаумян. Это подействовало на всех, ребенок стрелял, но он был ребенком. В лесах вооруженная группа армян изгоняла азербайджанцев, которые с другой стороны вышли к Маргаовиту и ушли», — вспоминает Степан Айвазян.

Ветеран Карабахской войны, житель Варданлу Самвел С. также участвовал в этих событиях: «Азербайджанцы Шаумяна, вооруженные боевым оружием, поднялись в горы, а мы образовали отряд и поднялись в горы. Тогда я купил ружья, даже у турок [в разговорном армянском азербайджанцев называют также турками]. И нам удалось прогнать их. Я не входил в село, я дрался в горах с вооруженными турками».

Степан С.

http://www.epress.am/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Samvel-S.jpg

После двух месяцев преследований прибывшим из Москвы прокурорам и следователям удалось поймать Самвела, однако после 4 допросов им не удалось докащать его вину в этом деле.

Учительница интернациональной школы в Шаумяне Зарвард Бекчян вспоминает: «Ребята приходили из города (Ванадзор) вооруженные, стреляли из окон автомобилей».

«На государственном уровне ничего не организовывалось, просто были самовольные группы из Ванадзора. Шли в село Шаумян во главе с Эдиком Мартиросяном. Трупы сжигали, чтобы их нельзя было опознать. Милиция обнаружила трупы, после чего завели уголовные дела в связи с инцидентами в Шаумяне, которые фактически сочли садизмом», — отмечает Степан Айвазян.

«У нас сожгли двоих: один азербайджанец бежал, стреляя, пришел к школе, именно здесь, рядом с гаражами, его настигли армяне, сожгли», — рассказывает Римма Саргсян, указывая на эти территории (на фото).

http://www.epress.am/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/azerbaijanigrave1.jpg http://www.epress.am/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Dproc1.jpg

Шаумяновские случаи окончательно не раскрыты, хотя некоторых арестовали на сроки от нескольких месяцев до нескольких лет. Артур Сакунц отметил, что комитет «Карабах» был арестован с декабря 1988г. В январе его вызвали в московскую прокуратуру на допрос в связи с событиями в Шаумяне, спрашивали, не комитет ли подстрекал к такому насилию. «Следователь Виктор Иванович сказал мне, что вскоре это дело будет закрыто, а комитет освободят. В мае членов комитета освободили, а дело закрыли. Это еще раз доказывает, что все регулировалось и руководилось Москвой».

В 1989 году многие азербайджанцы из Гугаркского района вернулись, чтобы продать свои квартиры, получить компенсацию за потерю квартир после землетрясения. Однако когда все сделки завершились, все они покинули свою родину.

Мане Папян, журналист

**SUMGAYIT** · 31 декабря, 2022

Пристанище "героев" 1 часть

Albert Isakov

Варужан Карапетян — член Армянской секретной армии освобождения Армении, совершивший теракт в аэропорту Орли (Франция), в результате которого 8 человек погибли и 55 человек были ранены. За терроризм он был осужден на пожизненное заключение. В 2001 году, после того, как Карапетян отсидел более 17 лет в тюрьме, он был досрочно освобожден и депортирован в Армению.

**Dead Morrozz** · 13 января, 2023

Western Azerbaijan no more without indigenous Azerbaijanis

Triumph of justice through peace

The term “Western Azerbaijan” has been making headlines amidst the Azerbaijani government’s efforts aimed at restoring historical justice, which lies with the return of Azerbaijanis to their ancestral homes in modern-day Armenia. Because Western Azerbaijan has long been hidden behind the fake narratives and misappropriated historical facts peddled by the Armenian government and people by erasing the heritage of Azerbaijanis within the borders of today’s Armenia, a country that was established in the historical lands of Azerbaijan, namely in Western Azerbaijan.

Now it is time to restore justice and truth like Azerbaijan did in the 44-day Second Karabakh War in 2020 by liberating the Karabakh and East Zangazur regions from Armenian occupation. However, the scenario for Western Azerbaijan is completely based on peace.

The restoration of Azerbaijan’s sovereignty over East Zangazur and the relocation of indigenous Azerbaijanis to the region has made fertile grounds for Azerbaijan to righteously seek the resettlement of Azerbaijanis to West Zangazur, part of Western Azerbaijan in modern-day Armenia.

“Of course, Western Azerbaijanis should return to their ancestral lands; this is their right, and all international conventions recognize this right of theirs. As the state of Azerbaijan, we must do our best to secure this right. Again, I said during the meeting with community representatives there that we wanted to do it peacefully, and I am sure we will achieve that,” President Ilham Aliyev said in his recent interview with local TV channels.

The map of Western Azerbaijan

The president’s remarks are literally the general introduction of Azerbaijan’s plans for Western Azerbaijan – the largest and strongest country in the South Caucasus that intends to champion peace in response to the bloody and reckless expulsion of its people from where they lived for centuries. The next war with Armenia is not an option for Baku, although it owns the strongest and best-equipped military in the region.

Furthermore, the authorities in Azerbaijan do not adhere to ideas of making territorial claims to others’ lands. Azerbaijan does not want to expand its borders with new lands, this has never been on Baku’s agenda. Even during the prevention of Armenia’s provocations on the conditional border, the Azerbaijani troops have not been ordered to advance through the territory of its neighbour, although it could happen as easily as one, two, three. The mainstream idea in Azerbaijan is the restoration of historical justice, which could be possible through the peaceful return of Western Azerbaijani residents to their homeland.

In the meantime, the deportation of Azerbaijanis from Western Azerbaijan (modern-day Armenia) was not the only chapter of the state-sponsored ethnic cleansing campaign of Armenia. The post-deportation period, as the continuation of the anti-Azerbaijan hysteria, also took its toll on the cultural heritage of the indigenous Azerbaijani residents of Western Azerbaijan.

In his recent interview, President Aliyev said no signs of life have been observed in the settlements vacated by Azerbaijanis after their forcible deportation by Armenians.

“Now there are videos, there are other documents, and there are people who visited those villages. They saw that everything was destroyed and there is no life there,” the president said, pledging to revive those settlements by using all opportunities available similar to what is currently happening in Karabakh and East Zangazur regions.

Prior to the interview, in his meeting with the Western Azerbaijan Community members in Baku on December 24, 2022, President Aliyev took a brief tour into the history of Western Azerbaijan, saying it is the historical land of Azerbaijan, which is established by a number of historical documents, historical maps, and the history itself. According to him, before the final deportation of Azerbaijanis accompanied by mass murder and torture, they lived in more the 300 settlements across modern-day Armenia, including 170 villages solely populated by Azerbaijanis and 90 villages with the majority of the population comprised by them.

Ethnic Azerbaijani residents of Western Azerbaijan

“Unfortunately, as they did in Karabakh, the Armenians razed all our historical and religious monuments in Western Azerbaijan to the ground. They wanted to erase the historical heritage of the Azerbaijani people, but they failed. Because there is history, there are documents, and there are maps,” he said.

Following the meeting with the president, the Western Azerbaijan Community, a Baku-based non-governmental organisation, has been taking necessary measures to facilitate the restoration of historical justice and return of the Azerbaijani deportees from the region to their home. On January 5, the Community kicked off the census of Azerbaijanis expelled from Armenia in different years during the 20th century.

President Ilham Aliyev during the visit to the administrative building of the Western Azerbaijani Community in Baku

The first phase of the census covers the registration of the people who have been forced to flee Armenia in 1988-1991 based on the already available data about the residents of 150 out of 300 areas populated by ethnic Azerbaijanis. The next rounds of the census will be focused on the deportation that took place between 1905-1953, the Western Azerbaijan Community’s spokesperson Ulviyya Zulfuqar said.

On January 12, the Western Azerbaijan Community members addressed a letter to the Armenian authorities to recall the forcible expulsion of Azerbaijanis in 1905-06, 1918-21, 1948-53, and 1988-91 and the mass destruction of the Azerbaijani historical and cultural heritage in Armenia. The final notes of the letter called on Yerevan to create necessary conditions for the safe and dignified return of Azerbaijanis to their homeland in Western Azerbaijan or modern-day Armenia.

More than 300,000 ethnic Azerbaijanis have been deported from Armenia from the early 20th century to 1991

Azerbaijani authorities are convinced that the return of ethnic Azerbaijanis to Armenia would be good also for Armenia since there are no mon-ethnic states in the South Caucasus and in the entire Eurasia region. As President Aliyev said it would help Armenia “to escape mono-ethnic state stigma”.

Armenia, according to various sources, is a mono-ethnic state with almost 99 per cent of its population being Armenians. This fact surfaces as a “source of pride” for the locals since they consider themselves as “indigenous people” in the South Caucasus and are known to be intolerant toward ethnic diversity. In August 2022, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination of the UN Human Rights of the High Commissioner expressed in its report concerns about the mono-ethnic state status of Armenia.

While Armenians boast their exclusive dominance in their country, on December 30, 2022, the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS) established three departments to deal with issues related to Western Azerbaijan, particularly the study of original Azerbaijani toponyms that were refashioned and misappropriated by Armenians, which prove that the country was home to other nations, as well.

**Dead Morrozz** · 13 января, 2023

Western Azerbaijan

The historical lands of Azerbaijan on the country’s western edge has been originally settled by ethnic Azerbaijanis before they were included in a “divide and rule” plan developed by the Soviet authorities. The city of Iravan (modern-day Yerevan) and the Zangazur region in Western Azerbaijan were among the main cradles of the Azerbaijani population and culture before their forcible separation from the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR) in 1918 and 1920, respectively.

The Abbas Mirza mosque built by Azerbaijani rulers of the Iravan khanate in 1606

Iravan had been initially settled by ethnic Azerbaijanis after its establishment by their ancestors. Armenian historian and priest Hovannes Shahkhatunyan wrote that all 49 khans who ruled the Iravan khanate for 390 years from 1441 to 1828 were Azerbaijani Turks. According to him, the list containing the names of the Azerbaijani khans of Iravan was included in the Armenian Soviet Encyclopedia. According to Ronald Grigor Suny, a Professor Emeritus of Political Science and History at the University of Chicago, Iravan had been a Muslim city until the Batumi Conference participated by the representatives of the Ottoman Empire and the Transcaucasian Seim in 1918. In 1787, when the tensions boiled between Azerbaijan and the Georgian rulers, the Russian Empire’s covert agent and representative in Georgia, Colonel Stepan Burnashev wrote in a letter to General Grigori Potyomkin that the Ottoman authorities would defend Azerbaijan and would not agree to concede the Azerbaijani city of Iravan to Georgia.

Ethnic Azerbaijani residents of Iravan (modern-day Yerevan) around the Sardar mosque

Armenians mushroomed in Iravan as a result of their massive long-term relocation by the Russian Empire to the city and other territories of Azerbaijan started after the empire’s victory over Iran in two wars in the 1804-1812 and 1826-1828 war. A special commission was established to deal with the deployment of Armenians from Ottoman and Iranian territories to the South Caucasus. As a result of the relocation, the number of Armenians in the Karabakh region of Azerbaijan reached 18,000 between 1828 and 1829 and increased to 34,606 by 1843. The next wave of deployment of Armenians into the South Caucasus by Russia lasted from 1904 to 1915, when over 260,000 ethnic Armenians were placed in the territories of Azerbaijan. Despite protests, around 130,000 Armenians were relocated to the Azerbaijani provinces of Iravan and Yelizavetpol (the name of Azerbaijan’s Ganja city during Tsarist Russia's period).

Iravan was ceded to the newly-established Armenian republic on May 29, 1918. Although Iravan was handed over “willingly” to the newly established Armenian state by the ADR government, historical sources claim it to be organized and implemented forcibly under the pressure of foreign forces.

The annexation of Iravan took its toll on its indigenous Azerbaijani population and the cultural heritage of Azerbaijanis. According to 1916 data, there were over 373,000 Azerbaijanis living in Iravan, however, only 12,000 Azerbaijanis were registered in census files in 1922.

The final round of the “Armenianization” of and the deportation of Azerbaijanis from Iravan took place in 1988 when over 300,000 ethnic Azerbaijanis living in the historical Western Azerbaijan region, or modern-day Armenia were expelled forcibly from their ancestral lands.

Deportation of ethnic Azerbaijanis from modern-day Armenia

Shortly after the Bolshevik forces subjugated the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic on April 28, 1920, a significant part of the Zangazur region was also ceded to the newly-established Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. The annexation of the territories by Armenia took place under the aegis of the Soviet empire, which forced the Azerbaijani authorities to make territorial concessions to Armenians.

Zangazur is a historical region that forms the southern part of modern-day Armenia and a small portion of the territory of Azerbaijan in the country’s Zangilan, Gubadli and Lachin districts.

The Zangazur region, inhabited by the Turkic tribes, was a part of the Seljuk empire during its 150-year-long rule in the 11th and 12th centuries, which further expanded the Turkish-Islamic influence within the region. Starting from the 13th century, Zangazur was invaded by Mongol-Tatar tribes and the Timurid Empire. From the 15th century to the 18th century, the region was a part of the medieval Azerbaijani states of Garagoyunlu, Aghgoyunlu, and Safavids.

Demographic changes in the city of Iravan and the Zangazur region took place during the reign of Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union. Similar to Iravan, the colossal changes in the demographic composition in Zangazur was the fruit of the Russian Empire’s relocation of Armenians and the consecutive massacres of Azerbaijanis by the same Armenian nationals.

As a result of the massacres committed by Armenian armed groups in 1905-1907 and 1914-1920 in Zangazur, about half a million indigenous Azerbaijanis and other Muslim locals were killed. In those years, 115 Muslim villages in Zangazur have been wiped off the face of the earth. In 1919, Armenian nationalists massacred 900 Muslims in the Chayli and Okhchu villages of Zangazur, including 400 women and children that were killed inside a destroyed mosque. In the same year, the far-right ultra-nationalist Dashanksutyun party rulers announced Zangazur as an “inseparable part of Armenia” and in 1920 completed the “Armenianization” of the region by capturing and ethnically cleansing a total of 51 villages in the 3rd and 4th quarters of Zangazur.

About half a million indigenous Azerbaijanis and other Muslim locals were killed in Western Azerbaijan by Armenians

In 1933, the territory of the Armenian SSR was divided into districts and the name Zangazur was changed to new district names such as Gafan, Gorus, Garakilsa (Sisian), and Mehri.

The final round of the “Armenianization” of historical Azerbaijani settlements in modern-day Armenia took place in 1988-1991 when over 300,000 ethnic Azerbaijanis living in historical Western Azerbaijan were expelled forcibly from their ancestral lands.

Erasing Azerbaijani heritage

Relocation of Armenians to and deportation of Azerbaijanis from Western Azerbaijan paved the way for the next chapter of the brutal ethnic cleansing campaign of Azerbaijanis, this time against the heritage of the Azerbaijani residents.

Faig Ismayilov, an expert on cultural heritage, and research fellow of the Institute of History of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS) said more than 3,500 historical and cultural monuments, 500 cemeteries, and 391 mosques belonging to Azerbaijanis were completely destroyed by Armenians in the territory of present-day Armenia. They have vandalized residential houses, mosques, Albanian-era shrines, artistic stone samples, tombstones and more in the villages once settled by ethnic Azerbaijanis.

In May 2022, journalists from Caliber.Az travelled to Armenia’s capital Yerevan to reveal the unforeseen cultural genocide against the Azerbaijani heritage in the city.

The state-sponsored cultural vandalism in Yerevan was a part of the large-scale anti-Azerbaijan campaign aimed at erasing all material evidence that testify to the belonging of the city to Azerbaijanis. According to historical sources, at the beginning of the 20th century, there were 310 mosques registered on the territory of the Iravan province (modern-day Yerevan and northern parts of Armenia). However, today only one mosque can be seen in the city - the Goy Masjid (Blue Mosque), which is referred to as "Persian", our journalists revealed on the ground.

The last ruin of the Sardar mosque of Azerbaijanis in Iravan (modern-day Yerevan)

Furthermore, the Demirbulag Mosque, the Emir Saad Mausoleum, the Sardar Mosque, the Tepebashi Mosque, and dozens of other cultural and religious monuments of Azerbaijanis have not survived the pre-planned cultural vandalism by Armenia.

Final say …

The number of Armenians currently living in Azerbaijan is estimated at around 55,000-60,000, including 25,000-30,000 settling in the Karabakh region. Furthermore, an Armenian church is preserved in the very centre of the capital Baku. This is just for the reader’s information, if he/she may think that the co-existence of Armenians and Azerbaijanis could not be possible. We believe that everything is possible and we also believe that we can turn the impossible into possible through peace …

Caliber.Az

**SUMGAYIT** · 20 января, 2023

1:51 / 8:03

The Lachin Road situation and its genuine implications: Contemplations with Orkhan

Caliber Az

The Lachin Road situation and its genuine implications: Contemplations with Orkhan

In the latest edition of “Contemplations with Orkhan”, Orkhan Amashov, Caliber Analyst, considers the implications of the ongoing eco-protest on the Lachin-Khankandi Road in terms of its impact on (a) the illegal extraction of Karabakh’s natural resources, (b) movement along the Lachin Road, c) the situation related to the local Armenian community of the region and the separatist leader Ruben Vardanyan and d) the Baku-Yerevan peace talks.

Subscribe to the Caliber Channel: https://www.youtube.com/c/CaliberAz

The independent military-analytical internet project Caliber is both tailored for the general audience interested in military-political and military-technical themes, with an emphasis on the South Caucasus region, and for those professionals in this realm.

Geopolitics, conflicts, specialised political and military-technical analysis, latest news on defence capabilities exhibitions and special expert reviews and critical conclusions - all of these and beyond are within the exclusive content of Caliber.

**SUMGAYIT** · 15 февраля, 2023

Self-righteous Armenian Turkophobia: Contemplations with Orkhan

**SUMGAYIT** · 7 марта, 2023

Nascent Azerbaijani internal dialogue with Karabakh Armenians: Hopes and challenges

**SUMGAYIT** · 30 марта, 2023

Maxime Gauin: Soviet government played with Armenian nationalism, provoking creation of ASALA - INTERVIEW

Maxime Gauin, a research fellow at the Institute for Development and Diplomacy (IDD), has been interviewed by News.Az.

AZERTAC presents the interview.

– Mr Gauin, you are researching ethnic cleansing policy by Armenian nationalists. Unfortunately Azerbaijani people were subjected to deportation and massacres during the 20th century. At the beginning of the century it happened in 1905, 1918-20 and also in 1948-53 and 1988-91. How was the historical condition? What caused these tragic facts?

- The main factor is the Russian policy of replacement of populations in the South Caucasus by 1828. One of the results, by 1850s-1860s, was the emergence of the Armenian nationalism, one of the most aggressive ones—aggressive also against the Armenians who opposed racism and irredentism: Isahag Jamaharian was assassinated in Moscow by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (the main Armenian nationalist party, established in 1890) in 1902, after having repeatedly refused to give money to this terrorist organization.

In 1918-1920, it was the ethnic cleansing by the Armenian volunteers in Urmia, then by the independent Republic of Armenia, ruled by the ARF, then in 1921 by the “Mountain Republic” of Zanguezour, led by Garegin Nzhdeh. The expulsions of 1948-1953 were decided by Stalin, after he had failed in his claims on Kars and Ardahan. He had attracted Armenians from the diaspora, promising a bright future. Of course, Soviet Armenia was unable to offer anything of this kind. He decided to expel about 100,000 Azeris from Armenia to Azerbaijan to make space.

The 1988-1991 expulsions, attacks and assassinations took place because the monster escaped to the control of its master. The Soviet government played again with Armenian nationalism, against Turkey again, provoking the creation of the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (ASALA) and encouraging the establishment of the ARF-affiliated Justice Commandos for the Armenian Genocide (JCAG, later renamed Armenian Revolutionary Army). The nationalism was encouraged in Soviet Armenia, in addition to the diaspora. One too little commented example in this regard: The corpse of Nzhdeh (famous for having collaborated with the Nazis, largely for ideological reasons) was discreetly repatriated from the gulag where he was deceased in 1955 to Soviet Armenia, in 1983. The demand from the Armenian public opinion was considered too high to resist a demand which was at the opposite of all the official positions and self-legitimation of the USSR. Yet, it happened in 1983, namely under Youri Andropov. Many things may be said about him, but nobody ever called him a weak man.

- You said you are working with archives from West countries. What kind of new facts you have found out during your researches?

- In June 1919, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs wrote a note on “The Issue of Zangezour”. The note mentions the “pillages and destructions of towns” by Antranik and his men in 1918 and the destruction of “more than 40 Tatar villages,” including by Antranik and his men, in 1919. By February 1920, the repeated demands of Antranik to serve in the French-occupied part of Turkey (Adana) were rejected. Antoine Poidebard, an officer who was moderately pro-Armenian, wrote on 20 February 1920 that Antranik “is unable of any discipline. He cannot lead anything but a gang. […] His departure to Cilicia must be prevented at any price.”

One year later, the Armenian (ARF) government asked for British and French weapons. The demand was forwarded to Damien de Martel, High Commissioner in the Caucasus. In his dispatch dated 20 July 1920, de Martel did not reply yes or no, but by a list of grievance against the ARF cabinet. The last one was about ethnic cleansing. He mentioned the massacre of 4,000 Azerbaijanis and the expulsion of 36,000 others “with cannon shots” between Yerevan and Turkish boundary, in June 1920 only. In its issue dated 25 July 1920 (note the proximity of the dates), Le Temps, the mouthpiece of the French MFA at that time, published an information from Tbilisi (the place de Martel worked): “dozens of thousands” Azerbaijanis have been massacred by Armenia during the last months only, without counting those who have been expelled.

At the end of 1922, Jean Schlicklin, who was the correspondent of Le Petit Parisien in Turkey, published a book on this country. He discussed the Armenian issue and described a “plan of systematic extermination of the Muslim population” implemented by Armenia, on its soil, in Karabakh and in Kars. One detail no historian except me seems to have noticed: His book was published by a house which was, at that time, under the complete control of the French General Staff; nobody published a book here, still less on a sensitive subject, without support among the generals.

All these sources are largely confirmed by a report written in December 1920 by Reverend H. William Harcourt, the representative of the Lord Mayor’s Fund in Armenia. Harcourt, who can be called a disappointed Armenophile, explained that since 1917, the “Armenian volunteers’ bands” had “degenerated into bands of brigands and assassins,” yet “most of these bands were connected” with the ARF, that is why, he explained, they acted with impunity. The only example he knew of an Armenian civil servant who tried to stop them was a man who was assassinated by perpetrators of the ethnic cleansing. Similarly, Lord Curzon blamed the ARF for the massacres of Azerbaijanis, on a written form and orally, especially from February to April 1920; and in The Graphic dated 8 May 1920, Scotland Liddell, a journalist present on place, reported the same.

One remark to finish with the Caucasus: The last volume of the Memoirs written a the end of his life by Rouben Ter Minassian (1882-1951), the Armenian Minister of Interior in 1920, was translated into French in 1989, but published in this language in 2021 only. In this volume, Ter Minassian does not try to justify the ethnic cleansing by any “revenge” but only by the desire to build an Armenian state with an Armenian majority.

That having been said, the Azerbaijanis are not only the inhabitants of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The French military mission in Urmia was horrified by the massacres of Muslims by Armenians in Urmia in 1918, and even were threatened for having protected those who took refuge on time. On purpose, I am not quoting a document but a book, to show that these facts were published:

“Girls disemboweled, the intestines unwound on the snow, still alive and holding their entrails in their hands. A child, his eye drawn from the orbit, screaming his pain and handing me his bloody stump for me to pull it out of the smoky rubble where his executioners had thrown it.

Shattered skulls, brains whose spit has sprayed on the walls!” (Dr. Paul Caujole, Les Tribulations d’une ambulance française en Perse, Paris : Les Gémeaux, 1922, p. 83 ; you can find similar sentences ibid., pp. 89-90, 101, 103 and in Émile Zavie, D’Archangel au Golfe persique. Aventures de cinquante français en Perse, Paris : La Cité des livres, 1927, pp. 173, 248-250, 258-260 and 266).

- How do you think, what should be done now so that this type of hatred and tragic acts don’t happen anymore?

- A first symbolic act, after the departure of the Russian soldiers from Khankendi, would be to destroy the statue of Nzhdeh erected here and to immediately replace it by a statue of the Armenian civil servant who was assassinated in 1920 by the ARF for having tried to stop the killings and expulsions - if his name can be found.

**SUMGAYIT** · 30 марта, 2023

Maxime Gauin, a research fellow at the Institute for Development and Diplomacy (IDD), has been interviewed by Caliber.Az

**SUMGAYIT** · 1 мая, 2023

Taras Kuzio

National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy

Armenia and the Kremlin’s playbook: Myths about national minorities in Ukraine and Azerbaijan

Russia and Armenia have both promoted a discourse about threatened national minorities without any proof to back up their exaggerated claims.

Russia and Armenia are the only two of the 15 former Soviet republics with irredentist claims to their neighbours. Their exaggerated claims about alleged threats to national minorities merely camouflage these irredentist claims.

Since the early 1990s, long before Vladimir Putin became Russia’s president, Moscow claimed it had a right to ‘protect’ ethnic Russians and Russian speakers in the former USSR. This has been a constant element in Russian security policy through to the present day.

Russia intervened to allegedly ‘protect’ Russian speakers in Moldova’s Transnistria region and in Ukraine’s Donbas in 2014. In 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine with the goal of ending a mythical ‘genocide’ against Russian speakers.

Another strategy used by Russia has been the distribution of Russian passports in frozen conflicts which it has purposefully manufactured or in regions it is occupying. Russia invaded Georgia in 2008 to defend Russian passport holders in South Ossetia and Abkhazia and then recognised their fake ‘declarations of independence’. The Kremlin has distributed Russian passports in Crimea, the Donbas and in occupied southern Ukraine.

It should not be surprising Armenia has copied Russia’s policies to allegedly ‘protect’ national minorities; after all, Armenia is a member of all Russian-led Eurasian integration projects. Armenia uses similar exaggerated threats to the Armenian minority in Karabakh as Russia has used in Ukraine, Moldova and elsewhere in Eurasia. In all these cases the alleged threats to Russian speakers and Armenians have nothing to do with reality.

In Ukraine no opinion poll has ever shown large numbers of Russians and Russian speakers who feel discriminated against by Kyiv’s policies. Volodymyr Zelensky is after all the third Ukrainian president who is a Russian speaker. Four out of six Ukrainian presidents were from Russian-speaking eastern Ukraine, including Zelensky.

Russia’s invasion of Crimea had nothing to do with ‘protecting’ Russian speakers as they were never under any repression and had their own autonomous republic since 1990. In the Donbas there was also no discrimination against Russian speakers as the region was run by the pro-Russian Party of Regions. Only three per cent of Ukrainians believed Russia’s claim that its so-called ‘special military operation’ was launched to end the ‘genocide’ of Russian speakers.

Armenian war crimes

Armenia won the First Karabakh War which lasted from 1988-1994. Although both sides committed atrocities, the bulk of the crimes were committed by Armenia, the militarily victorious side. Armenia ethnically cleansed one million Azerbaijanis from Armenia and the seven provinces of Azerbaijan that it occupied. In 1992, 600 civilians were murdered in Khojaly and another 4,000 civilians and prisoners of war went missing and are presumed to be murdered.

Looting on an industrial scale took place throughout the seven Azerbaijani occupied provinces. Gold teeth and wedding rings were stolen from skeletons dug up in cemeteries. Cultural institutions, such as museums and libraries, mosques, and official buildings were purposefully destroyed. The seven provinces look like Hiroshima and Nagasaki after the US dropped nuclear bombs on them in 1945.

In the Second Karabakh War there were few war crimes committed by either side. Nevertheless, the few that did happen were by Armenia which fired large missiles at civilian targets. Human Rights Watch, ‘documented 11 incidents in which Armenian forces used ballistic missiles, unguided artillery rockets, and large-calibre artillery projectiles that hit populated areas in apparent indiscriminate attacks. In at least four other cases, munitions struck civilians or civilian objects in areas where there were no apparent military targets’.

The Kremlin’s playbook

Despite the many examples of Armenian war crimes committed in the first and second Karabakh wars, Armenian discourse continues to claim the status of victimhood and accuse Azerbaijan of planning ‘genocide’.

This discourse is taken straight out of the Kremlin’s playbook.

Robert Kocharyan, a discredited Armenian opposition leader, and member of the ‘Karabakh clan’, claimed that if a peace treaty is signed with Azerbaijan it would lead to ‘the end of Karabakh’. Armenia’s prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, always one for making outlandish statements, said that Azerbaijan’s goal in closing the Lachin Corridor was to surround Karabakh and ‘subject them to genocide and expatriation, under the pretext of Armenia not fulfilling its obligations’.

The reality is that Russians and Russian speakers had nothing to worry about in Ukraine and Armenians have nothing to be concerned about living in Azerbaijan. Russians and Russian speakers in Ukraine led an autonomous republic in Crimea, were part of Ukraine’s ruling elites, and transmitted and published Russian-language electronic and print media. Practically all Ukrainian oligarchs, who were primarily from the Donbas, Kharkiv, Dnipro, and Odesa, were Russian speakers.

Armenians in Karabakh have schools and media in their own language which would remain after a peace treaty was signed that recognised Karabakh as part of Azerbaijan. These and other minority rights for a very small Armenian population of 25,000 (Azerbaijani estimate) to 100,000 (Armenian claim) could be guaranteed by both the Azerbaijani government and backed up by international organisations, such as the EU and OSCE.

emerging-europe-global-visibility-progra

Time to move on

Being a citizen of a country is always a two-way process. In return for the state providing services to citizens and guarantees for the personal security of minorities, citizens should refrain from supporting separatism. Russia has hundreds of thousands of troops fighting its war in Ukraine while Armenia has 10,000 illegal forces in Karabakh. In both Ukraine and Azerbaijan, Russian and Armenian security forces need to be withdrawn before a meaningful peace treaty can be signed.

Peaceful coexistence between Armenia and Azerbaijan and Turkey would be especially beneficial to Armenia. A peace treaty would reduce the Armenian economy’s reliance upon Russia, increase its trade with Europe, and spur Armenia’s integration into regional energy projects.

Ukraine never planned to conduct ‘genocide’ against its Russian and Russian speaking populations. Azerbaijan has no intention to commit ‘genocide’ against the small Armenian minority remaining in Karabakh.

Armenians should not be concerned about the plight of their brethren in Karabakh. It is time for Armenian politicians to no longer play by the Kremlin’s playbook, put past wars and crimes in the past and move on in the interests of both countries.

**SUMGAYIT** · 23 июня, 2023

Серьезен ли Пашинян в своем стремлении изменить Армению изнутри? Размышления Орхана Амашова.

**SUMGAYIT** · 22 августа, 2023

Массовое захоронение в Шуше: ужасное эхо войны Специальный репортаж Caliber.Az

**SUMGAYIT** · 2 сентября, 2023

Garabagh separatists’ new “minister of state” Samvel Shahramanyan Reasons behind Arayik’s resignation

The illegal Garabagh regime’s "secretary of the Security Council" Samvel Shahramanyan, has been named "minister of state" of the separatist regime.

Prior to his resignation, the so-called outgoing leader of the regime, Arayik Harutyunyan, dismissed separatist "state minister" Gurgen Nersisyan, and appointed Shahramanyan to this post, providing him with "broad powers".

Ending months of speculation, on August 31, Harutyunyan announced his decision to quit and submitted his resignation to the "Artsakh national assembly" on September 1, amid a deepening political crisis inside the illegal regime.

Harutyunyan had been under pressure from Yerevan to replace former separatist state minister Ruben Vardanyan, who had links to high-ranking Russian officials. Vardanyan's departure was Baku's precondition for the start of the negotiations. His dismissal came 10 days after the sacking of Vitaliy Balasanyan from the post of Karabakh's security council secretary. Balasanyan had been dismissed due to his disagreements with Ruben Vardanyan.

Amid these developments, Harutyunyan replaced the chiefs of the security council and the security service. In January, Samvel Shahramanyan replaced Ararat Melkumyan as the "security council secretary" of the separatist regime. Melkumyan was appointed head of the "security service".

The resignations came after three-day mass protests, sparked by a violent dispute between security officers and local residents. The protesters demanded the resignation of the national security service and police chiefs. However, at a meeting with the local lawmakers, Harutyunyan denied that there was a political crisis in Karabakh.

Shahramanyan, headed the Garabagh security service back in 2018-2020, and did not take heed of the Armenian government related to the separatist region, preferring to maintain internal stability.

He was among Karabakh representatives who first negotiated with Azerbaijani officials at the headquarters of the Russian peacekeeping contingent in the Khojali town in Karabakh in March 2023.

Previously, Shahramanyan took mainly security-related posts intermittently in the illegal regime. He served as the head of the Khankandi police, the department head at the "National Security Service", "Director of the National Security Service", as well as the minister of "the Military-Patriotic Upbringing, Youth, Sports and Tourism" in Garabagh.

Separatist leader’s resignation

Harutyunyan periodically fueled speculation about his impending resignation since the beginning of protests of the Azerbaijani eco-activists, civil society members, and volunteers on the Lachin road connecting Armenia with the Karabakh region of Azerbaijan in late December.

Azerbaijan had been insisting on installing a checkpoint on the border with Armenia amidst the illegal extraction of natural resources in Karabakh and arms transfers from Armenia to the region.

The participants of the rally have been demanding an immediate end to the illegal exploitation of the mineral resources of Azerbaijan in the Karabakh region and the misuse of the road.

In February, Harutyunyan proposed the regional "parliament" to discuss constitutional amendments that will allow the parliament to elect a president in case the post becomes vacant during martial law. The move to initiate the constitutional amendments has triggered rumours of Harutyunyan's possible resignation.

In March, Harutyunyan helped to enact a constitutional amendment that empowered the separatist "parliament" to elect an interim president in case of his resignation. The latter would serve for the rest of Harutyunyan’s five-year term in office which was due to expire in May 2025.

Harutyunyan's party Azad Hayrenik (Free Fatherland) controls the largest number of parliamentary seats but does not have an overall majority in the legislature. It helped to install an opposition figure, Davit Ishkhanian, as parliament speaker earlier in August, who will perform the presidential duties pending the election of Harutyunyan's successor.

Tensions over Lachin road

Harutyunyan's resignation appears to have been precipitated after Azerbaijan installed a checkpoint on the border with Armenia at the entrance of the Lachin road on April 23 to prevent the continued systematic and large-scale misuse of the road by Armenia and to put an end to the transportation of troops and military supplies from Armenia to Karabakh.

Over 2,700 anti-personnel landmines produced by Armenia in 2021 and detected in the Lachin and Kalbajar districts of Azerbaijan since August 2022 were illegally transported to the Karabakh region through the Lachin road.

This February, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev proposed installing checkpoints on the Armenia-Azerbaijan border to facilitate the border delimitation process, but Armenia rejected the proposal. Later, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said in May that he recognises Azerbaijani sovereignty over Karabakh, provided that Baku would ensure the region's rights and security.

The separatist regime’s main political factions have repeatedly denounced Pashinyan’s readiness to recognize Azerbaijani sovereignty over the region.

The Azerbaijani authorities also insist that the Lachin road should be open for the daily passage of ethnic Armenian civilians, whereas cargo deliveries to Karabakh should be carried out via the Aghdam-Khankandi road. The Azerbaijani side has also repeatedly invited Karabakh representatives to hold talks on the region's reintegration into Azerbaijan.

Meanwhile, dozens of ethnic Armenian civilians, including medical patients cross the Lacin border checkpoint from Karabakh into Armenia with the mediation of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on a daily basis. There is also a possibility of replacing the ICRC with Azerbaijan's Red Crescent Society for humanitarian deliveries to Armenian-populated Karabakh.

On August 29, the Azerbaijan Red Crescent Society dispatched 40 tons of flour products in two lorries, and the cargo reached Aghdam on the same day but could not move toward the final destination due to rejection by the Garabakh Armenians, who took to a road leading from Aghdam to Khankendi. These trucks have been waiting in front of the Russian peacekeepers' post on the Aghdam-Khankendi road for three days now.

Caliber.Az

**SUMGAYIT** · 11 сентября, 2023

Armenian ex-presidents’ militants leaving Garabagh, moving to Yerevan New “March 1” in the making KARABAKH

A group of young and middle-aged men, so-called “students”, left through the Lachin border crossing point in the direction of Armenia on September 11.

Proceeding from the reliable information obtained from sources, who have detailed information about this group, the matter rests in people with combat experience, close to Armenian ex-Presidents Serzh Sargsyan and Robert Kocharyan, chosen by their protege Samvel Shahramanyan, Caliber.Az reports.

Perhaps, criminal gangs among the Garabagh Armenians will play their role in Armenia’s political life as they did on March 1, 2008. The “students” will likely play their role at an important moment amid strengthening Garabagh gang in Armenia and deteriorating internal political situation against Pashinyan.

Obviously, Azerbaijan has no information about their participation in war crimes, that is why, they were not detained. Few potential militants on the Azerbaijani territory are beneficial for us. Let Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan deal with them himself.

**SUMGAYIT** · 7 января, 2024

Unmasking Armenian games in Azerbaijan’s diplomatic arena

On January 4, the United States, under Secretary of State Antony Blinken, placed Azerbaijan on a religious freedom watchlist. This means Azerbaijan could be subject to potential sanctions unless improvements are implemented. Adnan Huseyn, founder of re:Azerbaijan, wrote this in an article on the online publishing platform Medium on January 6.

This follows baseless concerns voiced by the Armenian diaspora regarding the preservation of Christian heritage as Azerbaijan regained control of territories previously under illegal Armenian occupation for nearly three decades. It is noteworthy to mention that the section related to Azerbaijan in the report, which influenced the Department of State’s decision, was authored by Danielle Saroyan Ashbahian — an ethnic Armenian. Ashbahian serves as the Chief of Public Affairs at the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, overseeing Communications and Congressional Relations.

Prior to joining USCIRF, she held the position of Director of Communications at the Armenian Assembly of America. Her professional background includes roles as the Layout Editor at Public Diplomacy Magazine, work at the office of former U.S. Congresswoman Janice Hahn, and experiences at the United Nations Department of Public Information in Armenia, the Lebanese Consulate in Los Angeles, and the San Francisco Ethics Commission.

In addition to casting a negative light on Azerbaijan based on unfounded claims, Ashbahian went beyond by including anti-Azerbaijan propaganda unrelated to the report’s topic and, undoubtedly, also founded on falsehoods.

I want to address three points, emphasizing that the third is especially critical for all parties to handle with care.

The first point underscores Azerbaijan’s reputation for tolerance in matters of religion, race, and ethnicity. Individuals from diverse religious backgrounds, including those who profess no faith, have coexisted peacefully in Azerbaijan for years. A firsthand visit to Azerbaijan would reveal this harmonious atmosphere, challenging any naive acceptance of fabricated narratives. In my own family, which comprises Muslims, Christians, Jews, deists (myself), and atheists, everyone lives harmoniously, each practicing their chosen beliefs.

Azerbaijan not only consistently demonstrates respect for all religions within its sovereign territory but also extends support to religions globally. The country actively allocates resources and directly participates in the restoration of holy places belonging to various religions worldwide.

The 2nd Summit of World Religious Leaders, Baku/Azerbaijan, 2019

The Azerbaijani State Oil Company (SOCAR) has been providing free gas to all churches in Georgia since 2013. SOCAR has extended this benevolent initiative through agreements with various religious communities, including the Armenian Orthodox Church, the Muslim community, Catholics, and followers of Judaism in Georgia. SOCAR’s support extends to churches, mosques, and synagogues, spreading beyond Tbilisi to all regions of Georgia.

The Heydar Aliyev Foundation has undertaken significant restoration projects, contributing to the preservation of cultural heritage. Notably, the Foundation restored two monuments featured in the World Heritage List, showcased in the park of the Palace of Versailles in Paris. In collaboration with the Louvre Museum of Paris, dedicated halls highlighting Islamic art were established, thanks to the Foundation’s involvement.

Additionally, support was provided for the restoration of seven churches dating back to the 10–12th centuries in various settlements of the Orne Department, France, including Saint-Hilaire, Fresnaye-au-Sauvage, Saint-Hilaire-la-Gérard, Tanville Courgeoût, Réveillon, and Mâle.

As part of the “Address of Tolerance-Azerbaijan” Project by the Heydar Aliyev Foundation, five stained-glass windows from the 14th century at the Strasbourg Cathedral Church were successfully restored. Furthermore, the Foundation played a pivotal role in the restoration of the Saint Sebastian catacombs and the bas-relief “Meeting of Pope Leo I with Hun Emperor Attila” in the Saint Peter Church in the Vatican.

The bilateral agreement on the restoration of Roman catacombs between the Heydar Aliyev Foundation and the Holy See led to the restoration of Saint Marcellino and Pietro’s catacombs.

The bas-relief “Meeting of Pope Leo I with Hun Emperor Attila” in the Saint Peter Church in Vatican, restored by the Heydar Aliyev Foundation

The instances I outlined above are just a glimpse of the countless examples that render the Department of State’s decision baseless.

The second point underscores that, from the early 1990s until the recent liberation of Azerbaijan’s internationally recognized territories, Armenia’s illegal occupation led to the near-total obliteration of Azerbaijan’s cultural and religious heritage. Illegal occupying forces demolished entire cities where Azerbaijanis once lived before being ethnically cleansed and becoming IDPs.

Numerous documented facts, materials, and reports from both local and international organizations highlight the extensive damage inflicted on Azerbaijan during decades of occupation. Delving deeper into these resources reveals the true picture, countering any misrepresentation by others.

A mosque in Aghdam destroyed and burned during Armenian occupation

Aghdam: a city razed during years of occupation

The third point underscores that as Armenia and Azerbaijan approach the signing of a long-awaited peace, sidelining foreign interference, the Armenian diaspora worldwide grows increasingly disturbed. It is crucial to differentiate between Armenians in Armenia and diaspora Armenians, as they often hold distinct perspectives. Diaspora Armenians, detached from Armenia and its people, are historically known for their radicalism and involvement in terrorist attacks worldwide.

A notable and recent example illustrating the radicalism within the Armenian diaspora is the recent march of an Armenian Nazi organization in the heart of Armenia’s capital, Yerevan. The march involved Nazi salutations and rhetoric openly displayed in broad daylight. The organization’s founder is a U.S. citizen named Hayk Nazaryan, born in California and a graduate of California State University, who relocated to Armenia in 2016.

**SUMGAYIT** · 7 января, 2024

An interesting aspect is that following the footage of the Nazi march in Yerevan organized by him on January 1st, opinions and reactions among Armenians diverged. The majority of Armenians within Armenia denounced his actions, emphasizing that Hayk and his group do not represent Armenia and its people. In contrast, diaspora Armenians exhibited varied responses, with most openly supporting and attempting to justify his actions, while others chose to divert the topic.

Hayk Nazaryan and his group giving the Nazi salute in Yerevan on January 1, 2024

Hayk Nazaryan’s Master of Science in Physics diploma from California State University

Revisiting the third point, it appears that diaspora Armenians are channelling their complete focus, resources, connections, and influence toward garnering international support by straining Azerbaijan’s relations with other states. This is particularly evident in countries such as the U.S. and France, where the Armenian diaspora holds significant influence and resources. These nations are also where Armenians have been residing as full-fledged citizens for over a century.

In these countries, political figures, particularly those with ambitious political aspirations, frequently strive to appease their ethnic Armenian citizens to secure their votes. As history has repeatedly shown, during elections, grand statements and promises are often made to Armenians. However, once the elections conclude, these assurances are frequently forgotten and pushed aside.

What has persisted for decades, and to which Azerbaijan has grown accustomed, was generally not a significant concern. In most cases, we could anticipate a surge in negative rhetoric as elections approached in those countries. We were aware that this rhetoric would subside after securing the necessary votes, and everything would return to business as usual.

Since 2020, and notably accelerating after 2023, there has been a shift in the tactics of the Armenian diaspora. The focus now lies on deteriorating Azerbaijan’s relations with other countries, employing fabricated propaganda, fake news, lies, and various manipulative tools. One of their primary objectives is to influence the countries of which they are citizens to take actions they know will provoke a harsh reaction from Azerbaijan.

The subsequent step involves amplifying Azerbaijan’s strong response, creating a disproportionate narrative. This strategy aims to initiate a distancing process between the two countries, starting at the government level and naturally extending to impact business and civil relations.

We have observed this phenomenon unfold with several countries, particularly notable with the U.S. and France, both of which Azerbaijan has historically maintained positive and mutually respectful relations across all levels.

Given this context, it is essential to grasp that the Armenian diaspora opposes peace in the South Caucasus region. They actively work to obstruct both Armenia and Azerbaijan from reaching a peace agreement and hinder genuine international support for the peace agenda. Furthermore, diaspora Armenians pursue their own agenda driven by personal interests. The signing of peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan conflicts with their interests. Instead, they seek to influence all parties, encouraging actions that could lead to another war, which they can then exploit for personal gain from the comfort of their residences in Los Angeles and Paris.

In summary, as Armenia and Azerbaijan strive to cultivate a positive dynamic in the peace process, the Armenian diaspora emerges as a significant challenge, actively attempting to impede progress and engage international actors in their efforts. At this crucial juncture, all parties must exercise extreme caution to counteract the diaspora’s attempts at undermining diplomatic relations.

Foreign actors engaging with Azerbaijan should approach matters with fairness and impartiality, acknowledging the complexities involved. Returning to the earlier-mentioned report segment by Danielle Saroyan Ashbahian, it is evident that the Armenian diaspora exploits its foreign citizenship and government positions to propagate falsehoods, hindering the peace process and straining relations between their country of residence and Azerbaijan. Nations should be vigilant against such actions.

Simultaneously, Azerbaijan, cognizant of the negative influence wielded by the Armenian diaspora, is encouraged to respond with wisdom, assuming the role of a diplomatic leader dedicated to preserving relations over potential destruction.

Now, more than ever, a unified effort is crucial to thwart the diaspora’s disruptive goals, ensuring diplomatic relations triumph over provocations. Governments and citizens alike must discern these maneuvers, exposing and halting such manipulative tactics. It is a collective responsibility to safeguard ongoing progress and prevent the Armenian diaspora from achieving its provocative objectives.

**SUMGAYIT** · 23 февраля, 2024

Список депортированных в 1987-1991 годах западных азербайджанцев почти готов

ПОЛИТИКА

«Составление списка азербайджанцев, изгнанных из Западного Азербайджана во время последней депортации – в 1987-1991 годах, почти завершено».

Об этом Азертадж сообщил председатель правления Общины Западного Азербайджана, депутат Милли Меджлиса Азиз Алекберли.

По его словам, в ближайшее время начнутся работы по составлению списка азербайджанцев, депортированных из Западного Азербайджана в 1948-1953 годах: «Они были депортированы по решению Иосифа Сталина. Как известно, после смерти Сталина все люди и народы, репрессированные и депортированные в 1930-х и 1940-х годах, были оправданы. Это не коснулось только депортированных из Западного Азербайджана, что является исторической несправедливостью».

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Интересная фраза Михаила Горбачёва о том, что в Армении «шли какие-то процессы, в которых вообще надо разобраться», ясно подтверждает то, что он знал о насильственных депортациях в результате которых азербайджанцы, составлявшие значительную часть населения Армянской ССР, были полностью изгнаны.

Согласно отчету Верховного Комиссариата ООН по делам беженцев, азербайджанское население, являющееся самым большим этническим меньшинством в Армении до 1988 года, «было изгнано из республики при участии местных властей». (стр.33-35 ).

Изменения демографического характера сопровождались тотальным переименованием населённых пунктов и топонимов на территории Армянской ССР. В общей сложности за период с 1924 по 1988 года было переименовано около 1000 топонимов Армянской ССР. Подобные изменения топонимов и названий населённых пунктов продолжились и в постсоветский период. Последним этапом стало переименование оставшихся на территории республики тюркских топонимов. По словам начальника Госкомитета кадастра недвижимости Армении Манука Варданяна, в 2006 году переименованы еще 57 населенных пунктов. В 2007 году переименован еще 21 населенный пункт республики. Этот процесс занял много времени в связи с тем, что имелись проблемы с выбором нового названия.

**SUMGAYIT** · 11 апреля, 2024

Армянский нос в дела Азербайджана

АНАЛИТИКА

Министерство обороны Армении планирует заменить восклицание «Ура», используемое, когда командир поздравляет личный состав, на «Кецце», что переводится как «Да здравствует». В армянском оборонном ведомстве подчеркнули, что междометие «Ура» осталось в армии еще с советских времен, и принято решение его «локализовать». Самое интересное, что в то же время авторы устава не планируют заменять «Так точно» и «Никак нет» при утвердительных и отрицательных ответах. В любом случае в Азербайджане никак не отреагировали на эти шаги в МО Армении. В Баку справедливо считают, что в атаку армянские военнослужащие, если они еще не забыли, что это такое, могут бежать хоть с криком «Вай ме!». Его же армянская армия может использовать и в ходе «тактического отступления», а вернее, беспорядочного бегства с поля боя.

Благо те 11 000 дезертиров с армянской стороны могут рассказать и про крики, и про эмоции, что запомнились им в ходе 44-дневной войны. В любом случае подчеркну особо, выбор криков и способов отдавания чести кому-либо и кем-либо — это личное дело Армении. Как, собственно говоря, и кадровые назначения в этой стране. Вот, в январе нынешнего года крестный премьер-министра Армении Никола Пашиняна — Давид Худатян — был назначен губернатором Армавирской области. И никто в Азербайджане не составлял, не писал заявлений на сей счет. Хочет Пашинян назначать кого-то из своих родственников и знакомых на высокие должности — пусть делает. А будет или не будет на сей счет возмущаться армянская оппозиция и общественность — это их личные разборки.

Перечисляю всё это для того, чтобы было максимально понятно, насколько нелепо и неуместно выглядит заявление некоего «Комитета по защите фундаментальных прав народа Нагорного Карабаха». Само существование такой структуры в Армении является провокацией. Ведь нет в Азербайджане региона под названием «Нагорный Карабах». Есть Карабахский регион Азербайджана, который восстанавливается, преодолевая последствия армянской оккупации. Никакого отдельного «народа Нагорного Карабаха» никогда не было, нет и не будет. Спекуляциями, манипуляциями и провокациями на эту тему занимались ранее как представители официального Еревана, так и их покровители среди руководства разных стран мира. В первую очередь Франции, где многие, начиная от президента и главы МИД этой страны, включая мэров разных городов, вещали про мифический «народ Нагорного Карабаха» с позорной частотой.

Но что получилось в итоге? Лопнули пузыри этих мифов — как про «народ Нагорного Карабаха», так и про проект под названием «арцах». Многие бывшие руководители которого, замечу отдельно, ныне находятся в Баку, где ожидают справедливого суда. Учитывая всё это, еще более нелепой провокацией армянских провокаторов выглядит инициатива с заявлением от организации с фейковым названием. Едва ли не каждая строчка этого заявления кричит о сильной алкогольной или наркологической зависимости его составителей. Ведь в трезвом, во всех смыслах слова, состоянии ничего подобного и не напишешь!

Вдумайтесь в чудовищную примитивность провокации: ее авторы возмутились тем, что президент Азербайджана Ильхам Алиев подписал указ о назначении председателя городского суда в освобожденном Ханкенди. Его составители заявления именуют «оккупированным Степанакертом». Хотя премьер-министр Армении Никол Пашинян и ряд иных представителей армянской власти не раз заявляли о том, что признают территориальную целостность Азербайджана в полном объеме, включая весь Карабахский регион.

Проще говоря, составители этого заявления ставят в нелепое положение и премьер-министра Армении. Или он лжет, заявляя о признании территориальной целостности нашей страны. Или же он не контролирует ситуацию в Армении, давая возможность функционировать такой организации с такими откровенно провокационными целями и задачами. И ежу, даже иджеванскому, должно быть понятно, что президент Азербайджана будет назначать кого угодно и когда угодно, невзирая на ахи и вздохи армянских провокаторов. Которые, как выясняется, «глубоко разочарованы выводом миссии Международного комитета Красного Креста из Нагорного Карабаха». Нет, армянские провокаторы могут быть в каком угодно душевном состоянии. Они могут даже безостановочно кричать «Кецце», дефилируя по улицам Еревана в чем угодно и без чего угодно.

Но истина состоит в том, что офис Международного комитета Красного Креста (МККК) перенесен из азербайджанского города Ханкенди в азербайджанский же город Барду. То есть, опять же, это внутреннее дело Азербайджана, где, когда, что открывать и закрывать. Тем более что уже было заявлено: к офису в Барде подключатся те сотрудники, которые будут заниматься гуманитарными вопросами. Например, потребностями оставшихся в Карабахском регионе Азербайджана армян. Потребностями азербайджанцев в Армении заниматься некому. Потому что нет там азербайджанцев. Но об этом, ясное дело, провокаторы из страны, которая почти три десятилетия держала наши земли под оккупацией, предпочитают не заявлять.

Акпер Гасанов

**SUMGAYIT** · 28 апреля, 2024

Atrocities, real and imagined

Raoul Lowery Contreras

Many in the Western Hemisphere were joyous when a Jesuit priest from Argentina was elected Pope of the Roman Catholic Church. When he announced in January 2015 that the Church would make Franciscan missionary Junipero Serra of California missionary fame a saint, many Catholics were delighted.

Father (Padre) Junipero Serra will be the first Hispanic saint from the Western Hemisphere. He was born in Spain, of course, but his fame was made in California founding the California missions from San Diego (1769) to San Francisco. Altogether 21 missions were founded by Serra and his associates.

He brought Christianity to the West. Secondly, he ensconced Spanish domination over the area in response to Russian intrusion from Alaska. Thirdly, he founded California agriculture, created irrigation and assisted the civil authorities in creating and nurturing towns that eventually grew to be world class cities like Los Angeles, San Diego and San Francisco.

His most important accomplishment, however, was his conversion of native people he to Christianity.

Contrary to critics, he did not oversee the death and destruction of native people. Only a third of them were ever converted and/or lived at the missions. The other two-thirds simply continued their Stone Age existence of picking berries, gathering sea life and hunting deer, bear and rabbits. These California native peoples were not accomplished Maya or other Mexican Indians with cultures revolving around mathematics, astronomy, armies and creative/inventive agriculture.

The Archivist Emeritus of the Diocese of Los Angeles (Monsignor Francis Weber) declared after a lifetime of research that “most of the hostility to Serra comes from descendants of the non-Christianized natives.”

Critics like Deborah A. Miranda who teaches American Literature at Washington & Lee University in Virginia, says: “Serra did not just bring us Christianity, he imposed it, giving us no choice in the matter. He did incalculable damage to a whole culture.”

That is a wild over-statement to make considering that only a third of California Indians ever lived on a mission. Nonetheless, critics like Miranda continue to perpetrate “myths” about Father Serra. They charge that the priests controlled the Indians by force, by whippings, death by atrocities and the hijacking of culture. The truth is that on balance Father Serra and the missions were a positive for Indians.

Certainly, many Indians died from white man-borne diseases like measles and small pox, but those deaths are not “atrocities.” Certainly some Indians were punished when they violated rules but being punished by priests was better than being punished by the Spanish civil administration and soldiers. If these critics want to talk about atrocities they should have been with me recently when I visited Guba (Goobah) a city in the Republic of Azerbaijan.

There on March 31st, 1918, a combination of Armenian radicals called “Dashnaks” combined with Armenian and Russian Communists to “cleanse” Jews and Azeris from the province of Guba that had been under Russian governance since the early 1800s. This atrocity’s goal was to create an Armenian communist republic.

These troops rounded up and killed any Azeris and Jews they could find. They then dragged people out of their homes and killed them.

The Armenians called their “Dashnak” troops – The “Punishment Brigade.” They killed tens of thousands of Azeris, Jews and other minorities in these few days in March and April of 1918. History, with Armenian help, has smugly passed over the slaughter. A construction project has revived the bloody events of almost a hundred years ago. Workers stumbled onto a mass grave of Azeri/Jewish victims in 2007.

The Azeri’s have built a monument – The Guba Genocide Memorial Complex -- to the victims and documented with heavy research and many, many photographs of the events, the massive destruction of Guba and surrounding villages and the massacre’s aftermath. Surprisingly and shockingly there is more to the memorial than photos, weapons and documents to be seen and understood.

In a protected and covered area is an archeological dig that has uncovered -- thousands of bones and skulls of victims circa March 31, 1918. It took my breath away when I was escorted into the protected area. These bones and skulls were not laid out on tables for study, they were there compacted by several feet of dirt that was shoveled onto the bodies by their murderers who tried to cover-up their hideous war crimes.

It shocked me – shocked me – to see the bones of hundreds of men, women and children killed by the Armenians and their Communist partners. It shocked me, it depressed me, and it made me detest barbarians.

Perhaps critics of Father Serra should visit the Guba monument to see what atrocities really are. Then maybe they can join Professor Robert G. Miranda and this writer in contending “that the California Indian fared far better under the mentoring and tutelage of the friars and the mission system than under any other system of governance in vogue in the late 18th through the 20th Century.”

Perhaps their views would change if they saw the bones of hundreds of real atrocity victims at Guba that I saw.

 Raoul Lowery Contreras is a conservative columnist. His column appears on Fridays in The Recorder. He can be contacted at hispaniccommentator@gmail.com.

**SUMGAYIT** · 3 мая, 2024

**SUMGAYIT** · 24 февраля

**SUMGAYIT** · 24 апреля

EU removes "genocide" term from Armenia remembrance post

The European Union's mission in Armenia has removed the term "genocide" from a social media post referring to the 1915–1923 events, also known as the Armenian Genocide.

The mission initially published a post on X using the term "genocide," Caliber.Az reports per Armenian media.

However, within hours, the post was edited to remove the controversial wording, replacing it with the phrase "memory of the victims of 1915–1923."

Thus, the core idea of the events surrounding the Armenian population during World War I centres on the complex historical context and differing perspectives on the relocation of Armenians by the Ottoman Empire in 1915. Amid the outbreak of the war, the Ottoman Empire faced a multi-front conflict, with Armenian nationalists, seeking an independent state, allying with Russian forces. This led to armed groups of Armenians sabotaging Ottoman military operations, which further escalated tensions.

In response, the Ottoman government first tried to halt the sabotage by engaging with influential Armenian leaders. However, these efforts failed, and on 24 April 1915, it decided to close Armenian revolutionary committees and exile several Armenians. This event has since been used as a symbolic starting point for the term "Armenian genocide."

In May 1915, the Ottoman authorities decided to relocate Armenians from war zones and those supporting Russian forces to other regions. Despite preparations for their relocation, the displaced Armenians faced violence, banditry, and famine, leading to significant loss of life. While archives show no evidence that the Ottoman authorities planned these tragic events, some officials were later prosecuted for crimes against Armenians.

Türkiye rejects the term "genocide," arguing that these tragic events affected all citizens of Anatolia during a period of war. It advocates for an unbiased, comprehensive study of the events, including access to archives, with the involvement of international experts. While there were attempts at reconciliation between Türkiye and Armenia, political and constitutional conflicts, particularly around the recognition of the "genocide," have hindered progress. Thus, the debate remains a source of tension between the two nations, with contrasting narratives on the historical events of 1915.

By Aghakazim Guliyev

--------------------------------FUCK ARMENIA---------------------------------------

**SUMGAYIT** · 18 мая

Massacres of Azerbaijanis

Massacres of 1905–1906

The turmoil in Russia during the years of 1905–1906 was an opportunity for Armenians to commit mass massacres against peaceful Azerbaijani population living in Baku, Iravan, Yelizavetpol (Ganja) and Tbilisi governorates. Armenian armed groups intended to lay the foundations of “Greater Armenia” by killing and evicting the Azerbaijani population and settling Armenians in these areas located in Iravan-Nakhchivan-Zangezur-Karabakh and Gazakh-Ganja directions. More than 400,000 Armenians (many of them were armed) flocked to the South Caucasus after the suppression of the Armenian uprisings in Türkiye in the 90s of the 19th century. In order to resettle refugee Armenian families, the Armenian church, Armenian political parties, and Armenian intellectuals jointly found a “way out”: expelling Azerbaijanis from their historical-ethnic lands by force of arms and committing mass massacres, settling Armenian families in the vacated territories. The correspondent of “Kaspi” newspaper wrote on the basis of the letters received from Iravan at that time that the Armenians decided to evict all Muslims from Iravan province and settle Armenians from Türkiye in their places. According to the results of the All-Russian census of 1897, of 1301 villages in Iravan governorate, 959 was inhabited by Turks, and Armenians lived in 342 villages. In Iravan uezd, which included the city of Iravan, of 221 villages Turks lived in 151 villages, Armenians lived in 55 villages, 15 villages had a mixed population of Armenians and Turks. Azerbaijani villages surrounded the city of Iravan like a ring. Therefore, the massacres committed by Armenians started in Iravan and spread to the surrounding regions.

At the beginning of February 1905, after Armenians killed an Azerbaijani in the center of the city, mass riots began, which were called “Armenian-Muslim massacres” in the press of that time. The indifference of the administration of Tsarist Russia to the massacres committed by the terrorist armed groups of the Armenian political parties “Dashnaksutyun” and “Hnchak” led to the expansion of the scale of the massacres, and the riots soon spread to the city of Iravan.

According to the information provided by the Armenian author (whose real name is Hovanes Ter-Martirosyan) who published his works under the signature of A-do, the first Armenian-Turkish clash took place in the city of Iravan on February 20-22, 1905. On Sunday, February 20, at 10 o’clock in the morning, Armenians spread a rumor in the city that the Turks are killing Armenians in Gantar (Terezi) square. There was great panic in the city. The Armenians in the market run to the Armenian part of the city, and the Turks run to the Turkish part, and in a few seconds the market was completely empty. After 15 minutes shooting, the dead and wounded were brought to the city hospital one after the other. A little later, the number of dead and injured reached 14.

Massacres continued on February 21-22. According to A-don, 54 people were killed and injured on both sides as a result of the first clash in Iravan. Trade in the city was suspended for 5 days.

The next target of Armenian armed groups was Nakhchivan uezd. Armenian-Muslim massacres in Nakhchivan uezd began on May 5, 1905, when Armenian militants injured three residents of Jahri village near Shikhmahmud settlement. Viceroy of the Caucasus Voronsov-Dashkov sent General Magsud Alikhanov-Avarsky to Nakhchivan to prevent the riots. (M. Alikhanov-Avarsky was the husband of General Huseyn Nakhchivansky’s sister. Therefore, the “Dashnaksutyun” party sentenced Alikhanov-Avarsky to death. Lieutenant-General Alikhanov-Avarsky, the commander of the Second Caucasian Division, was killed by Armenian terrorists Dro, Kamo in Gyumri on July 3, 1907). After receiving a decent response from the Azerbaijanis in Nakhchivan uezd, the Armenians retreated and managed to shift the center of massacres to Sharur-Daraleyaz and Iravan uezds.

As soon as the massacres in Nakhchivan stopped, the Armenians started spreading news that there would be chaos again in Iravan. In order to eliminate the impending danger, the Armenian and Muslim representatives of the city gathered and decided to implement joint measures. With the help of the governorate administration, an executive commission consisting of 22 representatives from both nations was organized. To control the city, the commission divided it into quarters, and several influential Armenians and Muslims were assigned to control each quarter. The city police chief was asked to assist the commission and strengthen security. However, the measures taken were not enough to prevent further massacres in Iravan.

The second massacres that took place in Iravan on May 23-26 were more terrible in terms of scale. Some of the newspapers of that time reported truthfully about the massacres raging in the city of Iravan, especially about the murders and robberies committed by Armenians. According to the news published in the “Qafqaz” newspaper, which was considered a relatively neutral newspaper, 31 people – 9 Armenians, 21 Muslims, 1 Aysor were killed, 24 Armenians, 10 Muslims, 1 Jew and 1 Russian were injured during the first three days of the unrest in Iravan. About the massacres that took place on May 26, the “Kaspi” newspaper, referring to the “Tiflisskiy listok” newspaper, wrote that 24 people were killed and injured from a bomb thrown into the house of a Tatar (Azerbaijani), and in the Tepebaşı neighborhood, where Tatars live, houses were blown up with bombs and many people died, there were also many casualties in Zangi valley.

Armenian armed groups attacked the Azerbaijani villages surrounding the city of Iravan, burned them and destroyed the majority of their population.

After a three-month break, on September 18, 1905, the third Armenian-Muslim massacres began in Iravan. In a telegram sent from Iravan on September 19, by Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, Governor General of Iravan province (descendant of Bonaparte house), it was stated that on September 18, at 3 o’clock in the afternoon, when 10 Muslims were returning from the city to the village, one of the Armenians opened fire, as a result one Tatar died and one was mortally wounded. Immediately, with the help of the security guard and troops 5 Armenians were arrested. Captured Armenians were brought to the city at 5 o’clock, a group of Armenians and Muslims gathered around them. The cavalry squad was ordered to disperse the crowd, after which the squad was directed towards the market and the boulevard. A mass shooting started when one of the Muslims opened fire, 8 Muslims, 2 Armenians were killed, 3 Muslims, 8 Armenians were injured during the riots.

The Governor-General Napoleon’s resolute prevention of riots did not benefit the Armenians. They tried by all means to remove him from office. Voronsov-Dashkov, the pro-Armenian Viceroy of the Caucasus, released Napoleon from the post of Governor-General some time after the suppression of the third Armenian-Turkish massacres.

At the beginning of October, the situation was tense again. With the participation of the authorized representatives of the city of Iravan, a temporary commission was established for the restoration and protection of peace under the new Governor-General of Iravan province, Count Vladimir Tizenhausen. The members of the commission were authorized to determine the amount of damage caused to the residents who suffered as a result of national enmity, and within two weeks to raise a case before the city authorities for the payment of the damage from the other side. Panah Khan Makinski, Karbalayi Mammad Aliyev, Agha Khan Iravanski, Mir Abbas Mirbabayev, Alakbar Bey Ismayilov, Abbasgulu Bey Hajibeylinski and other famous intellectuals of Iravan were members of the commission.

On February 20, 1906, a peace conference was held in the palace of Voronsov-Dashkov, the Viceroy of the Caucasus, in Tiflis in order to end the Armenian-Muslim clashes. In that conference, which was referred “Armenian-Muslim congress” in the press of that time, the entire delegation of the viceroyalty, the governors of Tiflis, Yelizavetpol and Iravan, 28 representatives of Armenians, 29 representatives of Muslims, two qadis and two bishops participated. The Muslim representatives of the Iravan governorate were represented by Aga Khan Iravanski, Abbasgulu Bey Hajibeylinski, Prince Shahgulu Mirza.

At that conference, which lasted until March 7, Muslim representatives Ahmad Bey Aghayev, Alimardan Bey Topchubashov, Adil Khan Ziyadkhanov and others exposed the intentions of the “Dashnaksutyun” party as the organizer and executor of massacres and terrorism in the Caucasus, and also the official government circles were observing the actions of this organization, while doing nothing to prevent the atrocities.

As a result of the conference held in Tbilisi, the Armenian-Muslim reconciliation commission was established. However, shortly after the clashes calmed down, the Armenian armed groups started the massacres again. According to the information provided by the Armenian author A-don, the fourth Armenian-Muslim clash took place in the city of Iravan on May 27 and June 8-9, 1906. According to A-Don, the clash began on May 27 at Gantar (Libra) square in Iravan. The shooting was very short. Troops came to restore the order. But the casualties already reached to 36 dead and wounded. Out of the 22 people killed, 13 were Armenians, 7 Turks, 1 Molokan, and 1 Jew. 7 of the 14 wounded were Armenians, 4 were Turks, and the rest were representatives of other nationalities. According to A-don, on June 8, clashes broke out again in Iravan, but they were quickly quelled thanks to the decisive measures taken by the troops. In this clash, 10 people were killed on both sides. 5 Turks, 3 Armenians, 1 Kurd, and 1 Jew were among those killed. Of the 19 wounded, 13 were Turks and 6 were Armenians. The morning of June 9 began with heavy shooting, but there were no casualties.

M.S. Ordubadi characterized the genocide committed by Armenians in 1905, in the territory of present Armenia as follows: “Iravan district turned into a fiery mountain, a volcano suffocating the noble Islamic nation…”

Only after the emergence of the “Difai” party in Ganja and the counter-actions of its local branches against the Armenian terrorists, the massacres ended.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the number of the Azerbaijani population in the city of Iravan was approximately equal to the number of the Armenian population (12.5 thousand people). However, in 1905–1906, after the mass massacres committed by Armenians in Iracan, the ethnic composition of the population changed in favor of Armenians. The migration of some wealthy Azerbaijanis from Iravan significantly weakened the position of Azerbaijanis in the city.

The results of the research show that in 1905–1906, Armenian formations numbering more than ten thousand armed men commited massacres against Azerbaijanis in Baku, Iravan and its surrounding villages, Etchmiadzin (Uchkilsa), Sharur-Daralayaz and Nakhchivan uezds, Gorus, Gapan (Gafan) and Garakilsa (Sisyan) districts of Zangezur uezd of Yelizavetpol (Ganja) governorate, Shusha, Javanshire, Jabrayil, Gazakh uezds, Tiflis city and Borchali, and destroyed more than 200 settlements.

Genocide of 1918–1920

In the course of the First World War, there were 150,000 Armenian soldiers during the Russian army’s attack on Eastern Anatolia. Moreover, 4 Armenian druzhinas, which included approximately 10,000 volunteers, joined the Russian troops from South Azerbaijan (through Khoy, Urmia, Selmas provinces) and Kars province with the blessing of Etchmiadzin church. Taking advantage of the opportunity, the Armenian militants destroyed the Azerbaijani and Turkish villages on the roads they crossed and massacred their population.

In November 1917, as a result of the coup d’état in Russia, Russian troops withdrew from Eastern Anatolia and handed over the weapons and ammunition to the Armenian commanders, with the help of which the Armenians expanded the scale of massacres. From February 1918, the Turkish troops launched a counterattack and cleared the Armenian troops from Eastern Anatolia.

After the failure of the Armenians and their protectors to create an independent Armenian state in Eastern Anatolia during the First World War, the idea of creating an Armenian state in Iravan governorate and its adjacent territories came to the agenda.

The retreating Armenian army under the command of Andranik, Hamazasp, Dron, and Njdeh carried out a real genocide against Muslims in first Erzurum and Kars provinces, and then in Iravan and Zangezur. During the Russian occupation of Eastern Anatolia, the Armenians who participated in the massacres also flocked to the South Caucasus together with the Armenian troops. At that time, most of the 350,000 Armenians who came from Türkiye settled in Iravan governorate, and as a result, the situation of Azerbaijanis became even worse.

Until March 1918, Armenian armed groups destroyed 32 villages in Iravan uezd, 84 in Echimadzin uezd, 7 in Novo-Bayazid uezd, and 75 villages in Surmeli uezd – a total of 198 villages.

In March 1918, the refugee department of the Muslim faction under the South Caucasian (Transcaucasia) Seim was established to deal with the problem of the refugees from Iravan province. The Muslim faction raised the issue before the Seim government, consequently, a delegation was sent to stop the massacres against Muslims in the Iravan governorate, and the results of the investigations were discussed at the Seim session, although the situation of the refugees was alleviated to some extent, it was not possible to stop the massacres completely.

A branch of the Baku Muslim Charitable Society was established in Iravan to help Muslims living in Iravan governorate.

The first stage of the mass killings of Azerbaijanis in Iravan governorate coincided with the eve of the establishment of an independent Armenian state in the territory of Azerbaijan. On May 26, 1918, the South Caucasus Seim dissolved itself and declared the independence of Georgia. At the meeting of the Muslim National Council held on May 27, Nasib Bey Yusifbeyov stated that the opinion of the Turkish delegation represented at the Batumi Conference is that the South Caucasus should protect its independence, and in order to protect its unity and solidarity, Armenians should be given some land.

On May 28, 1918, the independence of Azerbaijan and Armenia was declared. On May 29, at the meeting of the Muslim National Council, a decision was made on the concession of Iravan to Armenia as a political center. Members of the National Council from Iravan immediately expressed their objection to this compromise. However, the decision was made with the consent of 16 of the 28 members of the National Council, three abstentions and one dissenting vote. At the meeting of the National Council held on June 1, the members of the Council from Iravan, Mir Hidayat Seyidov, Bagir Rizayev and Nariman Bey Narimanbeyov, expressed their written objection to the decision on the concession of Iravan to Armenia, but there was no result.

In May 1918, the Turkish troops, who were pursuing the Armenian armed groups committing massacres against the Turks in Eastern Anatolia, cleared the cities of Gyumri and Boyuk Garakilsa from Armenian atrocities. Although the Turkish army reached the Ulukhanli station, which was 7 kilometers from the city of Iravan, it moved in the direction of Nakhchivan without entering the city. According to the peace and friendship agreement signed between Türkiye and Armenia in Batumi on June 4, the territory of the Republic of Armenia was approximately 10,000 square kilometers, and the population was 321,000 people (including 230,000 Armenians, 80,000 Muslims, 5,000 Yezidi Kurds, 6,000 other nations). The territory of this republic included Novo-Bayazid uezd, three-fifths of Iravan uezd, a quarter of Etchmiadzin uezd, and a quarter of Alexandropol uezd.

At the meeting of the National Council held on June 13, news of massacres commited by Armenians against Muslims in Iravan was discussed. It is reported that the number of displaced refugees had reached 150,000, and Armenians had destroyed 206 villages. The National Council decided to send a representative to provide financial assistance to the refugees in Iravan province. Also, the council requested the command of the Turkish troops in the territory of Iravan governorate to provide food aid to the refugees and force the Armenian government to authorize the return of Azerbaijanis to their homeland.

The capture of Zangezur by the Armenian armed forces under Andranik’s command and the Armenian government’s consideration of Nagorno-Karabakh as a disputed territory prompted Azerbaijani diplomacy to take adequate steps. Azerbaijan’s diplomatic representative in Georgia stated in his letter to Armenia’s representative in Georgia that Armenia’s claim to consider Karabakh as a disputed zone was a violation of the agreement reached between the parties, and that Azerbaijan reserved the right of territorial claim to the city of Iravan, part of Echmiadzin, Novo-Beyazid and Iravan uezds of Iravan governorate.

According to the Mudros agreement signed on October 30, 1918, after the withdrawal of the Turkish troops from the South Caucasus, the second stage of mass looting of Armenians against Azerbaijanis in the territory of Iravan governorate began. At the end of December, the government of Azerbaijan appointed Mohammad Khan Tekinski its diplomatic representative in Armenia. Before the diplomatic representation of Azerbaijan in Iravan began to operate, international organizations, Azerbaijani press and official circles were informed about the atrocities committed by Armenians in the territory of Iravan governorate by Muslim National Council of Iravan, the Iravan Muslim Charitable Society and the Iravan Governorate Compatriots’ Organization.

In the information sent by Teymur Khan Makinsky, the Chairman of the Iravan Governorate Compatriots’ Organization on January 4, 1919, it was stated that from December 1917 to June 1918, until the arrival of Turkish troops, in Iravan Governorate, Armenian military units destroyed, looted, burned more than 200 Muslim settlements, some of the population was killed, and some fled to the mountains and perished from hunger and cold. According to his information, the Armenian armed groups had seized the entire Surmeli uezd and a part of Iravan, Etchmiadzin, Sharur-Daraleyaz uezds and were moving in the direction of Nakhchivan. Innocent Muslim population was either exterminated or expelled from their villages and were forced to flee to Iran through mountain roads. Teymur Khan Makinsky wrote that Armenian refugees from Türkiye settled in forcibly evacuated Muslim villages.

On January 4, 1919, the petition addressed to the speaker of the parliament signed by the members of the parliament, Teymur Khan Makinsky, Maharram Maharramov, Akbaraga Sheikhulislamov and a group of intellectuals of the Iravan province, stated that 500,000 Muslim residents of Iravan governorate considered themselves an integral part of Azerbaijan, and they wished that the Armenians would not disturb their peaceful life until their fate was resolved at the Paris Peace Conference. After enumerating the scale of the massacres committed by the Armenian troops, the parliament was asked to take necessary measures to protect the Muslims of Iravan.

In January 1919, on behalf of the representatives of the Muslim population of the Iravan province, Mir Hidayat Seyidov’s address to the head of the Azerbaijani government stated that the Armenian government resettled the Armenian refugees in the Muslim villages which were forcefully emptied. The goal was to exterminate Muslims as much as possible and clear them of all uezds so that they could prove that those territories belonged to Armenians at the Paris Peace Conference.

The pro-Armenian position of General A. Thomson, the commander of the Allies’ troops in the South Caucasus, encouraged Armenians to seize new territories. On May 28, 1919, the Armenian Parliament adopted an act on the establishment of the “United Armenia” state by annexing 6 provinces of Türkiye to Armenia. Territories of Azerbaijan claimed by the Armenian government were also included in “United Armenia”.

On June 4, 1919, the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan, A. Ziyadkhanov, in a letter sent to the diplomatic representative in Armenia, M. Takinsky, stated that an Extraordinary Parliamentary Commission would be established and instructed him to collect information for that Commission about the massacres committed by Armenians in the Iravan governorate. The government of Azerbaijan was intensively communicating with the relevant institutions of Armenia in order to stop the massacres against Azerbaijanis in the territory of Iravan governorate. The Armenian government continued its policy of oppression while continuing the diplomatic correspondence. Archive documents prove that Armenians did not stop killing and looting against Azerbaijanis in Iravan governorate even for a single day.

In the article “The situation of Muslims in Armenia” published on June 29-July 1, 1919, the “Azerbaijan” (in Russian) newspaper wrote about the tragic situation of the Azerbaijani population of Iravan: “The situation of Muslims in the Republic of Armenia is tragic. Most of the beautiful houses and gardens in Iravan belonged to Muslims… When the Turkish troops approached Iravan, the Muslim population of the city was afraid for some reason and left the city. Armenian refugees from Türkiye took possession of their property. On the way back to the city, the Muslims who accepted the Armenian government were completely robbed by the Armenian armed forces… Since the Armenian refugees did not let the Muslims with rich gardens and beautiful houses back into their homes, since winter they had been living in the mosques… The Armenian government compels thousands of robbed, hungry and sick Muslims to live without roofs over their heads…

It is difficult to describe the agony suffered by Muslims. Many people do not tolerate this and go crazy… Armenians, return the houses to the rightful owners after receiving a large amount of ransom.

The Armenian government deliberately resettles Armenian refugees in Muslim neighborhoods and homes…”

“Azerbaijan” newspaper (in Russian) wrote in the article “Iravan and Karabakh” on July 9, 1919: “Crimes committed by the Dashnaks against the Muslim population in the Iravan governorate went unpunished and are not known to the public or the press. In March 1918, all the Muslim villages of Surmeli uezd of Iravan province were destroyed and burned by the Dashnaks, who declared their goal “death to all Muslims”. The inhabitants of the uezd were killed. Almost the entire population of the villages of Guluna, Yayci, Oba, Qazigishlaq, and Amarat was massacred. 6,000 people who were saved by a miracle gathered in the village of Diza to cross the Araz river and arrive to the Iravan uezd. Armenian troops surrounded this village and slaughtered the population. They poured the blood of the unfortunate victims into the pool of the mosque… Nothing is left from the Surmeli uezd…”

The situation of the Muslims in other uezds – Novo-Bayazid, Etchmiadzin and Iravan – was more deplorable. In these accidents, massacres were carried out more inhumanely. A real war was fought in bayonet charges and bombardment. Only Sharur and Nakhchivan were saved due to the capture of the “Wolf Gate” thanks to the heroic sons who could prevent the attacks of the Armenians… The situation of Iravan and the Muslim population, who moved to Kars en masse after the accidents, became worse. They (Azerbaijanis) were forced to seek shelter in the Anatolian mountains. It seems that the scale of the horrors inflicted on the Muslim population in Iravan governorate seemed to be insignificant for the Armenians. With help from abroad, the Dashnaks were trying to recreate the Iravan tragedy in Karabakh as well.

It would be interesting to compare the situation of Armenians in Azerbaijan with the situation of Muslims in Iravan. “Armenians are full-fledged citizens in our republic. They enjoy all civil liberties, they are represented in the parliament and the government, the state spends a lot of money on the education of their children, no one touches them, they do not seek refuge in other governorates. Some of the Muslims of Iravan have been massacred, some have been scattered, and they cannot find shelter anywhere.” This article clearly expressed the difference between Armenians living in Azerbaijan and Azerbaijanis living in the Republic of Armenia.

At its session on July 17, 1919, the Parliament of Azerbaijan discussed the issue of the situation of refugees from Zangezur uezd and Iravan governorate. Bagir Bey Rizayev said that 22,000 Muslims lived in Iravan a year ago, and most of them left the city, and recently they saw their houses and belongings destroyed. He stated that the Armenian government did not help the Muslim refugees. Garabey Garabeyov stated: “Grain was brought to the hungry Armenians by the Armenian government and the American delegation. But all the Muslims there are hungry and go from door to door without clothes. Their situation is much worse… It is impossible for Muslims to live like this in Armenia… Muslims were forced out of their villages. Iravan is full of hungry people. They ask (from charitable organizations) for return to their villages and express their readiness to survive on grass and hay. But they are not allowed to return to their villages, they are told that if there are 45 houses in the village, all are occupied by Armenians, and Muslims are not welcomed. In sum, according to official reports, Armenians commit atrocities against Muslims. They did it before. They removed and destroyed the gravestones. The doors and windows of the mosques were taken away. They blew up the roof and committed atrocities there.” Sultan Majid Ganizade in his statement about the true face of the Armenian government expressed that: “They are slaughtering and killing our brothers there. Their goal is not to leave a single Muslim alive. To force the muslims to leave their ancestral lands…”

The representative of the Ministry of Protection of Azerbaijan in Armenia, Teymur Khan Makinsky, sent a report to the Ministry of Protection on November 11, 1919, and revealed the true face of the Armenian government: “As a result of the massacres that continued since February 1918, half million people became beggars. (Except from Nakhchivan, Sharur uezds, 2-3 police areas of Surmeli uezd and Zangibasar district). The Muslim population in those areas lost everything. The population of the destroyed regions is more than 200,000 people. They perished from disease and hunger, they were repeatedly looted and massacred. Muslims of Iravan city, Goykumbat, Arbat, Aghcagishlaq and Charbakh villages of Zangibasar belong to this category. It can be said with certainty that the number of dead is 100-120 thousand people. 50 thousand people came to Azerbaijan as refugees. Almost as many live in Iravan, Zangibasar uezds, 2 settlements of Surmeli and Etchmiadzin uezds. The rest of the refugees fled to Nakhchivan uezd, Sharur uezd, 3rd area of Surmeli uezd and Gagizman district of Kars province. Some of them took refugee at Maku Khanate and at the territory of Türkiye. Currently, food aid (in the form of flour, grain and bread) should be provided to 50,000 people. The number of people who are starving in Iravan is 8,000 people.”

On December 20, 1919, in Tiflis, based on the statements of refugees from Iravan and Kars provinces, it was noted in the protocol that on the other bank of the Aras and Tarasum rivers, 50 thousand refugees,whose property was looted and destroyed, had gathered in a safer place, 17 versts from the Ulukhanli station. In addition, it was mentioned in the protocol that 14 employees worked at the disposal of Azerbaijan’s representative office in Iravan, and their duty was to protect the refugees in Iravan and send them to Azerbaijan, but the refugees who were more than 20 versts away from Iravan were left on their own.

At the session of the Parliament of Azerbaijan held on January 5, 1920, the issue of refugees was discussed, and it was noted that 300 thousand refugees came from Armenia.

Mir Mahmud Mirbabayev, employee of Azerbaijan’s diplomatic mission in Armenia, in his confidential letter sent to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan on January 25, 1920, indicated that the situation of Muslims in the city of Iravan was miserable: there were no Muslim shops, houses were destroyed, safety of the lives was not guaranteed.

After the Bolsheviks seized power in Azerbaijan in April 1920, the massacres committed by the Dashnak government against Azerbaijanis entered a new stage and became more massive and severe.

In 1919, 14,000 people died of hunger in the city of Iravan, which had a population of 29,000, and within 6 months, 4,000 people died of starvation in Etchmiadzin uezd. As Azerbaijanis’ lifes were in danger because of their ethnic identities, they could not leave their homes and were subjected to starvation. However, at that time, the American Aid Committee to Armenia was operating under the chairmanship of Dr. Yarrow in Armenia.

The main reasons why some Azerbaijanis escaped the Armenian massacres in the city of Iravan were their compact settlement (in the Demirbulag, Tepebashi, Gala city and Old parts of the city), and the activities of the representatives of the diplomatic mission of Azerbaijan, the Ministry of Protection of Azerbaijan, and the Baku Muslim Charitable Society operating in Iravan. Since there was no such control in districts, Armenian armed groups carried out murders and robberies against Azerbaijanis as they wished.

In general, in 1918–1920, Armenian armed groups destroyed 58 settlements in Shamakhi uezd, 112 in Guba uezd, 323 in Ganja province (including 166 in Zangezur, 157 in Karabakh), 300 in Iravan province, 82 in Kars province, hundreds of thousands Azerbaijanis were murdered, nearly one million people were displaced from their historical-ethnic lands. In general, in the years 1905–1920, more than 500 Azerbaijani villages were destroyed only in the territory of present-day Armenia, and the vast majority of them became Armenian settlements.

In 1916, 373,582 Azerbaijanis lived in the Iravan governorate, while in November 1920, only 12,000 Azerbaijanis were registered in the Armenian SSR.

After the establishment of Soviet power in Armenia, a small number of Azerbaijanis were able to return to their homes. In 1922, a total of 5124 Azerbaijanis lived in Iravan, while the number of Armenians reached 40396. In other words, in 1918–1920, the number of Azerbaijanis decreased by 2.5 times, while the number of Armenians increased by approximately 4 times.

There are enough facts in the archives and in the press of that time to come to the conclusion that during the years of 1918–1920, genocide was committed against Azerbaijanis in Armenia.

On March 26, 1998, the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan signed a decree “On the Genocide of Azerbaijanis in order to give a legal and political assessment to the genocide and deportation actions committed by Armenians against Azerbaijanis in the 19th and 20th centuries and March 31 was declared the Genocide Day of Azerbaijanis in order to commemorate all the genocide tragedies.

Nazim Mustafa
Doctor of philosophy in history, recipient of the State Prize

**SUMGAYIT** · 18 мая

Deportation of Azerbaijanis from Western Azerbaijan

The deportation of Azerbaijanis from Armenia represents one of the most tragic consequences of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. We can isolate 3 main phases in this massive 20th-century deportation.

Main stages of the mass deportation of Azerbaijanis from Armenia.

– 1918–1920

– 1948–1953

– 1987–1991

1918–1920

It was the very notorious plan to create the mythical “Greater Armenia” that prompted genocide and expulsion of Azerbaijani population from Armenia between 1918 and 1920.

Striving for land gains and artificial expansion of ethnic territory, combined with the idea of cultural supremacy and special rights to habitats, were dominant at that time in the Armenian society. Armenian chauvinists believed the “Greater Armenia” could be founded not on the free will of the population majority but rather ‘instilled’ by force, build by steel and blood on the ruins and dead bodies of “outlanders”, with Muslims (Azerbaijanis) wiped out from these lands.

This cunning plan to establish a Lebensraum for the “Greater Armenia”, first in the realms of the Ottoman Empire and then, during 1918–1920, in the South Caucasus, was from its very onset destined to culminate in a violent standoff and genocide of Muslim (Azerbaijani) community.

The tragic events in Irevan Governorate uyezds (districts) that later on (in May 1918) would be included into the first-time Armenian state in the South Caucasus almost coincided with those in the east of the Northern Azerbaijan, in Baku Governorate, where Bolshevik and Dashnak militants of the Baku Council committed genocide of Azerbaijani population in spring 1918.

Armenian militants were armed to the teeth and had a vast experience of wiping out the local Turkic population in the Eastern Anatolia. They learned it during the World War I, when, falling back from the Caucasian Front lines together with the Russian army early in 1918, they decimated Azerbaijanis throughout the Irevan Governorate. To have a full picture of violence against the Azerbaijani community, one may review the “List of Razed And Abandoned Muslim (Azerbaijani) Villages in Irevan Governorate as of March 1918”.

This list includes 199 villages in Irevan, Surmalin, Echmiadzin, and Novobayazet uyezds (districts) of the Irevan Governorate, which were razed to the ground by Armenian militants and abandoned by their Muslim population. In doing so, the former stopped at nothing: decimation of civilians, massacres, atrocities, intimidation, spread of panic — anything would do to expel the local population from the lands their ancestors had inhabited for centuries. By occupying these areas, they artificially created densely populated Armenian habitats, continuously growing and expanding due to inflow of Armenian refugees from Turkey.

Once the first Armenian state in the South Caucasus, Republic of Ararat with an original area less than 10 thousand square kilometers, was founded within the borders of the Irevan Governorate late in May 1918, genocide policy was elevated to the state level.

That happened despite the 4 June 1918 Treaty of Batum with the Ottoman Empire, whereby (ref. item 6) the government of Armenia agreed to ensure security and free development for Muslims (Azerbaijanis) residing in the country, and to permit unobstructed education and religious practices in their mother tongue.

When the Azerbaijan National Council ruled on 29 May 1918 to cede the town of Irevan to Armenia as a capital, it had devastating consequences for its Azerbaijani populace (according to the Caucasian Calendar, 12,605 Azerbaijanis were residing there as of 1 January 1916).

The 29 June 1919 issue of Azerbaijan newspaper cited a person who had witnessed the oppression of Muslim community in Irevan: «The Muslims (Azerbaijanis) are so defenseless and outlawed in Iravan that in broad daylight (let alone at night) they are robbed of their clothes, if those are of any value whatsoever, even in the Muslim (Azerbaijani) quarters of the town. Likewise, they are robbed of money and other values… Even houses that belong to Muslims (Azerbaijanis) are not spared; armed to the teeth, Armenian cutthroats break in and steal “excess” belongings. All that is still happening in Iravan, the capital of Armenia. The torment and hardships the Muslims (Azerbaijanis) have suffered in Iravan are simply beyond any description. Many can’t stand it and lose their mind, some get old before their time… This is how Muslims (Azerbaijanis) live in the town.”

During 17 through 31 August 1919, up to 50 Muslim (Azerbaijani) villages in Irevan, Surmalin, Echmiadzin, and Novobayazet uyezds were razed to the ground.

Describing the bloodshed in the Irevan Governorate and economic difficulties its Muslim population was facing, Commissioner of Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Patronage in Armenia T. Makinski wrote on 2 September 1919 to the Minister of Patronage: “The last days’ events were a tragedy to the Muslim (Azerbaijani) population; 50 to 60 villages, where dwellers returned home, have been razed again, with survivors leaving their belongings and bread in storages and fleeing for their life… Up to 150,000 Muslims (Azerbaijanis) have emigrated from Novobayazet, Echmiadzin, and Iravan uyezds.

There is still a small number of Muslims (Azerbaijanis) within Armenia, yet it is diminishing as people flee in fear of pogroms and oppression. There are no more Muslims (Azerbaijanis) in Novobayazet District. Approximately 25,000 Muslims (Azerbaijanis) are residing in Iravan Uyezd’s areas under Armenian government’s control; the same number is reported in Echmiadzin (25,000), and 15,000 in Surmalin (again, only in the areas controlled by Armenian government). Besides, 13,000 refugees and locals are residing in Iravan. There have always been very few Muslims (Azerbaijanis) in Alexandropol Uyezd. If we sum up the number of destitute Muslims (Azerbaijanis) across the Iravan Governorate, it will be 70,000 to 80,000 people.

The Muslim (Azerbaijani) population in question is in a terrible situation: no bread in stock, no seeds, no farm stock, no cattle, and most of them have no shelter. They are starving, impoverished, driven to despair. The overwhelming majority of Muslim (Azerbaijani) population in Armenia does not have any crops, and those who would not suffer new pogroms have been virtually deprived of their lands (which were leased and taken away).”

During the last 2 months of 1919, Armenian militants once again razed 62 villages in Echmiadzin, 34 in Surmalin, and all Muslim (Azerbaijani) villages (save Zangibasar) in Irevan Uyezd.

As the Ministry of Patronage reported, over 200 thousand people fled the destroyed Muslim (Azerbaijani) villages of Novobayazet, Irevan, and Echmiadzin uyezds as of the late 1919. They mostly settled in Nakhchivan, Sharur, Gazakh, Ganja, and Shamakhi.

N.I. Solovyov, Chairman of the Azerbaijan SSR Council of National Economy, described the hardships of Armenia’s Azerbaijani community in his 1920 memo “Our Policy in Azerbaijan Over 2 Months (May-June) After The Takeover”, addressed to the RSFR Council of People’s Commissars Chairman V.I. Lenin. He wrote that “there were 250 Muslim (Azerbaijanis) villages within when Armenian republic, but all of them have been razed to the ground, so there is no single Muslim (Azerbaijani) there.”

Large-scale violence against Azerbaijani population in the Iravan Governorate has also been reflected in Armenian historians’ articles. Armenian historian A. Lalayan writes: “During the Dashnaktsutiun dictatorship (1918–1920), all non-Armenian population was outlawed. Over two and a half years at the helm, Dashnaktsutiun bayonetted Azerbaijanis residing in Armenia into submission, killing and robbing civilians, razing towns and villages.”

Lalayan goes on writing that the Turkic (Azerbaijani) community of Armenia was reduced by 77% over 30 months of Dashnaktsutiun in charge of the country.

All in all, the very existence of the 1918–1920 First Republic of Armenia was a clear display of Armenian politicians having created the state authority not to govern the country, but rather to eradicate the Azerbaijanis population and seize its properties. Those events demonstrated that Armenians, boasting their ‘civility’ and ‘ancient history’, were in fact not mature enough to have a state of their own, let alone rule other nations.

1948–1953

During the Soviet era, Azerbaijanis kept leaving Armenia for good. This process gained traction after the World War II and was a permanent trend right until the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Endorsed by Joseph Stalin, the USSR Council of Ministers on 23 December 1947 resolved to relocate Azerbaijani population from the Armenian SSR to the Kura-Araz Lowland. Pursuant to this Decree, the Azerbaijani community of Armenia (ca. 100 thousand people) had to be resettled in 1948–1950.

According to the “Narkhozuchet” and the Ministry of Agriculture of the Armenian SSR, before the resettlement in 1948, 25 thousand families or about 110 thousand Azerbaijanis lived in Armenia. Of these, only 9 thousand families or 35 thousand people lived in low-lying regions, the remaining 75 thousand lived in the high-mountain regions of the Armenian SSR.

Such deportation was caused by pretended repatriation of Armenians residing in the USA, Europe, Middle East etc. With Azerbaijani population driven out of Armenia, it was much easier to accept and settle Armenians coming from overseas. Pursuant to the above Decree, buildings and houses abandoned by Azerbaijani people were used to accommodate these newcomers.

In fact, Azerbaijani people were stripped of their history and cultural heritage, let alone housing and lands they had inherited from their fathers.

Whatever the case, it is evident that they failed to resettle the planned number of Azerbaijani families from Armenia within the set timeframe. The USSR Council of Ministers therefore adopted on 6 September 1950 new Resolution titled “Resettlement to Collective Farms of The Kura-Araz Lowland (Azerbaijan SSR) in 1951–1955”. Pursuant to this Resolution, 15 thousand Azerbaijani families from the countryside and towns were supposed to be moved from the Armenian SSR.

By extending the resettlement campaign, Moscow was striving to finally achieve the required bar of 100 thousand people as stipulated by previous decrees dated 23 December 1947 and 10 March 1948, respectively. According, however, to the 13 October 1953 letter from the Azerbaijan SSR’s Minister of Agriculture I. Abdullayev to the Azerbaijan Communist Party CC Secretary I. Mustafayev and Council of Minister Chairman T. Guliyev, the actual number of settlers from the Armenian SSR to the Kura-Araz Lowland during 1948–1953 was 53,000 (11,914 families).

This deportation is comparable with that of, say, the Chechens and Ingush, Balkars, Karachays, and other nations to Kazakhstan and Central Asia. It was a deportation as it was carried out against the will of people subjected to resettlement. Their life effectively destroyed, dozens of thousands of people had to start from scratch and adapt to new conditions, new environment, and new activities.

The resettlement process has gone downhill ever since Stalin passed away in 1953. On the one hand, it was due to the failure by the Soviet government to resettle the expected number of Azerbaijani people within the set timeframe, and on the other due to the sharp decline in inflow of Armenian immigrants wishing to abandon a convenient Western lifestyle for challenging social and living conditions they were facing in the Soviet Armenia. The outflow of Azerbaijanis from Armenia persisted nevertheless. Fully realizing their second-class position in Armenia, their exodus was inevitable; it was a permanent trend right up to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

In his 18 December 1997 Decree, President Heydar Aliyev of Azerbaijan provided the first ever political and legal assessment of Azerbaijanis’ deportation from Armenia in 1948–1953. It was specifically mentioned in this Decree that, apart from criminal politics led by Armenian chauvinistic circles and the Soviet government, it was the Azerbaijani authorities’ position of that time that had conflicted with national interests. The involvement of the latter in criminal activity against our compatriots was also pointed out in the Decree.

1987–1991

The final, yet the most tragic (scale- and approach-wise) deportation of Azerbaijani people from Armenia occurred in 1987–1991. Unlike that of 1948–1953, it coincided with Armenia unfolding its territorial claims to Azerbaijan and was therefore unusually severe. To make matters worse, this time Azerbaijani people were in a completely hopeless situation as the deportation was directly supported by Armenia’s administrative and law-enforcement bodies, who maintained the lands Azerbaijanis inhabited had historically belonged to Armenians.

The bulk of Azerbaijani refugees were villagers who were forced to abandon their homelands, grazing lands, fields, and gardens their ancestors had worked at for centuries. Only a small percentage of our nationals was represented by dwellers of small industrial towns and Iravan itself.

The Azerbaijani people had a good command of Armenian language and used it as fluently as their own mother tongue, Azerbaijani. And still Armenians would not let them forget that they are aliens, the ‘Turks’.

Once the deportation started, Azerbaijani delegations from different regions of Armenia and thousands of individuals filed complaints to the highest echelons of power, to the party leaders and the government, signaling their concern over violent incidents against them and pleading to stop the lawlessness.

Insulted and humiliated, people who lost their loved ones and home still craved for justice rather than retribution. But their pleas were left unanswered. According to the Azerbaijan SSR Council of Ministers, there were over 78 thousand refugees from Armenia in the republic as of 2 December 1988. The 1989 All-Union census reported 84,860 Azerbaijanis still residing in the Armenian SSR, who were forced to leave it by 1990.

Accommodated in temporary resettlement facilities, refugees were then dispatched to final settlement locations. With Azerbaijanis driven out of Armenia, the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict gained traction.

As the USSR Constitution was grossly violated, the Soviet leadership kept making their decisions on the premises that order could be restored by disciplining individual managers, ministers, or law enforcement officers, yet this clearly political process had already acquired a power of erupting volcano. The content of decisions made in Moscow was a bright evidence of the central power having always stuck to the approach whereby both aggrieved parties bore equal responsibility in any critical situation, no matter who had triggered it and where first streams of refugees had come from.

Failing to realize or assess humanitarian and political ramifications of the tragedy, the leadership in Moscow could not comprehend that it would eventually propagate to all localities where Armenians and Azerbaijanis lived side by side. Whatever the Soviet leadership’s intention was, the ambiguous nature of their political and management efforts combined with assigning equal responsibility to parties was the main reason why the process spiraled out of control, causing increasingly heated debates between the conflicting parties and distrust in central government on the both sides.

From 1987 on, the refugee issue for long years became an inherent factor of political and social life in Azerbaijan.

Source:
“Deportation of Azerbaijanis from the Territory of Modern Day Armenia in the XX Century“, Karabakh Center:
https://story.karabakh.center/en/deportation-of-azerbaijanis-from-the-territory-of-modern-day-armenia

Войти

The other side of the falsified genocide

Recommended Posts

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Top Posters In This Topic

Top Posters In This Topic

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Armenian war crimes

The Kremlin’s playbook

Time to move on

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Список депортированных в 1987-1991 годах западных азербайджанцев почти готов

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Армянский нос в дела Азербайджана

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

EU removes "genocide" term from Armenia remembrance post

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Ссылка на комментарий

Поделиться на других сайтах

Join the conversation